For a long time our III of Poland defined the division: post-communists – people of Solidarity. In 2005 the Kaczyński brothers wanted to build on this axis Lech's campaign, expecting his main rival to be Vladimir Cimoszewicz. Only erstwhile Cimoszewicz resigned from moving did they make a fresh division – for solidarity and liberal Poland – due to the fact that liberalism wanted to kill the PO candidate Donald Tusk.
From Tuska Kaczyński they made a liberal people dangerous, but in fact all the crucial politicians of that era were people of Solidarity: and Lech, and Jarosław, and Tusk, and Komorowski, or Sikorski. They had different views and sensitivity, but the ethos of Solidarity brought them all together. Only Jarosław, post-Smoleński, decided to kill the thought of Solidarity, putting cold perfidy on the story of assassination, nationalism, populism and the Church of Rydzyk.
Andrzej Duda was president of the divided – inactive a small bit in Lech's pro-state spirit, but besides weak and yielded to Jarosław to be able to argue him erstwhile he simultaneously annihilated his brother's achievements and the ethos of Solidarity.
About ethos
Exactly – the ethos of Solidarity – you gotta say a fewer words about it. Etos may be the most beautiful thought that this land and this nation have born. The beautiful synthesis of the ethos of uprisings – mainly in January and Warsaw – with the ethos of the Grey ranks and the AK, the ethos of Polish intelligence, so carefully diagnosed in the celebrated books of Bohdan Cywiński "Rodowodów niekórnych" from 1971 and written in the Mokotów prison "From the past of honour in Poland" by Adam Michnik, issued in 1985, as well as the ethos of Christian personalism, so close to our John Paul II, and the Church of National Unity and Forgiveness, so beautifully symbolized by the priest Jerzy Popieluszko - means the ethos of the Church of Wojtyła and Popieluszko, so shockingly different from the Church of nationalism and hatred of Rydzyk, Jędraszewski and many another bishops.
Nawrocki's full presidential campaign, his many statements – including his accusing many of his opponents of deficiency of the Polish gene – are a brutal denial of this ethos of Solidarity.
Let me just remind you that the creator of the thought of "genetic patriots" was an outstanding literary intellectual Marek Suski. I am not accusing Charles Nawrock of perfidiously referring to Alfred Rosenberg's thought (I uncertainty whether that name tells him anything), nor of the message and achievements of the Nuremberg laws, but the thought that people can be shared and estimated according to the authoritarian assessment of their DNA is simply a mention to those ideas – unfortunately. I'm afraid the Nawrocks on this road have only taken the first fewer steps. He will shortly do another pair of brown shoes. All at the command of the “right march”.
Karol Nawrocki most likely moved to the capital a while ago, but I have the impression that in fresh months he had definitely moved from Gdańsk – not only in the sense of residence and postal code. Nawrocki moves from Gdańsk as the main centre of a beautiful idea.
The book Paweł Adamowicz, published before his tragic death, gave the title “Gdansk as a community.” It was besides the message of Adamowicz, and the message of solidarity of Gdańsk for the full Poland.
I know the most crucial figures of the Gdańsk political community very well – any for respective decades. And what I did not know, I read and agreed with them, writing the book “Die for Gdańsk” after Adamowicz died. Gdańsk was not and is not politically heterogeneous. She is not the cradle of Solidarity and pluralism. Gdańsk is the capital of diversity, not of unification, uniformity and clarity.
Hence, there are very different people in the tribe of distinguished Gdańsk characters: Lech Wałęsa and Bogdan Borusewicz, Donald Tusk, Jan Krzysztof Bielecki and Janusz Lewandowski, Aleksander Hall and Father Ludwik Wiśniewski, and late the president of Gdańsk – Olka Dulkiewicz, who so beautifully cares for the thought of Paweł Adamowicz. Not only due to loyalty to the erstwhile boss, but due to the fact that individual likes about genes, her own DNA: the daughter of a deceased Solidarity activist, a student in Poland and Germany and an informal curator of the European Solidarity Centre.
Olka is rather a devout Catholic, but she is at home besides at church retreats, and at home for Ukrainian refugees, and at a parade of equality. That's her heart, that's her DNA, that's her thought of Gdansk's dreams – the city of freedom, openness, tolerance, closeness of cultures and human respect.
A hard time is coming
Karol Nawrocki is not of this tradition as mentioned above. Just as no of these people would have had the idea, like Andrzej Duda, to call LGBT people an ideology, so no of them would have thought to identify people by genes. Nawrocki can support the same Lechia Gdańsk as Donald Tusk, but it is ideally and spiritually from a completely different club – what he likes screaming nationalism, Grand Hotel ladies and kibolski settings. It is besides an ethos, but surely not an ethos of Solidarity – alternatively union-dude solidarity, these washings after actual Solidarity.
The end of the Solidarity and ethos era means that a hard time is coming for Poland. Poland has not yet died, of course, but the whiteness of her flag is already soiled, and the amarant passes slowly, though besides quickly, into brown. Gdansk loses these days, although it has the president of Poland again.
The full democratic Poland is besides lost. But we cannot abandon the thought of Solidarity or give it up without a fight or bury it more. After all, this is our DNA – the best this country has always had.
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