While any cognition of Ukrainian crimes exists within the Polish society despite its long-term marginalisation or even dullness by various factors in the country and on emigration, the image of Ukrainian nationalism is alternatively obscure. The ideological interpretations of the phenomenon of nationalism, which were fed to us in the years of the Polish People's Republic of Poland, have contributed to this state of affairs, which are inactive doing in a somewhat modified way the present liberal-left environments. In general, differences in this direction and the function of cultures and religions of different nations that set the axiological framework for acceptable behaviour have been ignored.
In the 1920s, the politics of the 2nd Internationals, which all anti-left movements and anti-liberal “baptized” as fascism, placed them in the same line with Mussolini's regime, besides weighed over the widespread terminology. In the flood of specified opinions as well as another reasons having small to do with independent technological analysis, Ukrainian nationalism has besides drowned, not only as a strictly political doctrine, but besides as a circumstantial expression of the strategy of values. So let us take a closer look.
First, let us halt at the question of factors that blur the correct image of this direction. There are at least a few. In the years of the sanitation, there was a doctrine that ZSRS could be broken up with the aid of nations inhabiting this state, but they want freedom and independence. Most of them were to be the Ukrainians. Therefore, the policy towards this number in Poland was comparatively liberal (the alleged Józewski voivode experiment), and the scope of freedom was considerable. A crucial fact is that the main theoretical work of Ukrainian ideologist Dmytra Doncov entitled Nationalism She freely went out in print at Yellows close Lviv. The sanitization doctrine ceased on the concept of state assimilation of national minorities, holding back in this field from policies appropriate to nationalist directions which practiced their reparation.
Such a situation meant the anticipation of acting in the territory of the Second Republic of various organizations and people connected with Ukrainian nationalism, so that they did not conflict with the applicable law and showed their authoritative loyalty to the Polish state. In specified a situation, Doncow mentioned above could act rather freely, especially since his doctrine defining the desired form of Ukrainian nationalism was clearly anti-Russian. He suggested that the Ukrainian people should be liberated from all Russian influences, not only in a political sense but besides in a cultural and intellectual sense.
Doncow fought against Ukrainian “Provence”, under which he understood the advanced dependence of Ukrainians on influence not only of politics, but besides of Russian culture. His association of the Ukrainian situation with Provence was very accurate, as this land, originally highly developed, was dominated by northern France over the centuries. In the then Poland, which supported alleged prometeism, specified an attitude could not be unwelcome, and besides present it is practiced in our country. In the years II of the Republic, especially in the Pilsudczyk circles, it was believed that Ukrainian nationalism could be channelled against russian Russia, thus gaining a clear advantage and without losing anything in return. However, specified accounts proved to be completely wrong. Only the anti-Russian and political aspect of the Ukrainian problem has been noted. And as you might think, many political circles in Poland are inactive reasoning today.
Looking at the Ukrainian problem from the position of events that led to ZSRS decomposition at the end of the 20th century and inspired further developments in Ukraine, we should callback Zbigniew Brzeziński's view. He stated that the independent Ukrainian state was not the dream perfect of millions of its inhabitants. It was a certain whim of past and a "product" of the dissolution of the USSR. The inhabitants of east and confederate Ukraine, if not even Russians, were mostly affected. Remember, these lands belonged to the 1980s. The 18th century to the Crimean Khanate, and only in the following decades did Slavic colonization begin to scope there. Another situation is in the west of the country, which until 1939 was within the borders of Poland. There, the nationalists – the CNS continuators – had the ability to "reanimate" the nation and give it a reactive character after years of sovietization and associated rusification.
On the function of Ukrainian nationalists and their story in the process of national awareness in the 20th century and present Prof. Włodzimierz Pawluczuk – sociologist and spiritual student in a book devoted to the contemporary Ukraine Ukraine. Politics and mysticism, published at the very end of the 20th century," he wrote as follows:"There would be no independent Ukraine, there would be no past of the Ukrainian people as a political nation, fighting for full independence, if it were not for nationalism, if it were not for UPA, if it were not for national fanaticism of individuals possessed by the mad thought of creation from the amorphous “Russian” mass of a battled, historically crucial nation. The destiny of Ukraine would be akin to that of Belarus. If we remove from Ukraine's past the ideological content and activities of nationalists, including, above all, the UPA, then Ukraine's culture and past does not contain content that would give the chance to legitimise the country's full independence."
The main typical of Ukrainian nationalist thought became Dmytro Doncow. Józef Lobodowski wrote about the rank and scope of his influence on the lams of the Parisian “Culture”: ‘when it was [in the years II of the Polish Republic] about a large part of [Ukrainian] society, and especially about the young generation, [Doncow] was almost an exclusive ruler of feelings and thoughts. Young OUN nationalists saw in him a leader from a universal nomination, an ideologist with a definite authority, an almost national prophet.”. A bit different, although he likewise characterized his function as Dr. hab. Wiktor Poliszczuk, author of about 2500 pages of work Ideology of Ukrainian Nationalism as a Varietal of Fascism. In his opinion ‘there is apparent consistency between D. Doncov's doctrine, programming (and other) resolutions and provisions of the CNS and the practice of the Ukrainian nationalist movement, starting with the UWO [Ukrainian Military Organization] through the OUN and UPA ending from 1920 to 1950".
Doncow outlined in the work mentioned here not only the ideological framework of Ukrainian nationalism, but formulated its axiological bases differing diametrically from the shapes of many another nationalistic doctrines. The first step is the text philosophyhuman and closely related full social philosophy and the axiology presented there, the core of chauvinist nationalism of utmost character.
Therefore, attempts to put any signs of equality between Polish and Ukrainian nationalism constitute a major abuse or a evidence to the deficiency of orientation of a peculiar investigator in issues beyond historical factography. So prof. Topolski, a past analyst, criticized the alleged "event history", leaving crucial past problems beyond consideration.
So what value strategy did Doncow propose? With his Nationalism We learn that a nation – “nation” – is simply a separate species in nature. The nations so stay among themselves in a state of constant war, fighting among themselves for a place under the sun and the right to exist. Another Doncow alternate for them does not foresee. So seen by this ideologist the planet was to be a planet of wars of the Ukrainian people with all, space, rule, demolition of competitors and opponents. In specified a world, a nation—a "nation" becomes the highest value, rising above God and all another values respected by civilized nations. The slogan that Doncow promotes is “Nation above everything”.
The relation within her would besides be a reflection of the animal world. There should be a hierarchy, a leader of unlimited power. Here we see clearly the structure circumstantial to Italian fascism and Nazism. The leader would have at his disposal a alleged initiative number – a category of people considered superior to the remainder of the nation, which in its mass would be treated reasonably contemptible by the leader. This initiative number would have the right to apply to the remainder of society "genuine violence", which meant, in full disregard of the leading elite with the public opinion, a broad application of coercion and repression. This practice is already seen within the UPA, where panic towards members was on the agenda. This initiative number was the CNS. So here we are dealing with a dictatorship of 1 party, which should dynamic and subdue the masses, and resistant and skeptics simply remove or even physically eliminate. Many specified accidents are known for their CNS history. The activation of the nation according to Doncov would follow certain principles which he called “the motor forces of Ukrainian nationalismIt’s okay. ”
The ideologist put his will first. He considered it a decisive origin in the existence of a nation—a “nation”. In this regard, he wrote: “On this will (not on understanding), on dogma (not on proven truth) [...] must be built our national idea.”
The second origin was strength. Here Doncow referred to Darwin, saying, “Darwin’s explanation explains the advancement of a stronger man’s triumph over the weaker 1 in a constant conflict for existence.”
Violence is another motor force of Ukrainian nationalism. Doncow instructs his readers that “without force and iron ruthlessness, nothing has always been created in past [...] violence, iron ruthlessness and war are the methods by which the chosen nations followed the way of progress”,and adds behind Sorel: “Violence is the only way at the disposal of the [...] peoples of humanism.”. Doncow understands the function of the nationalist elite – an initiative minority:“It establishes [her] its truth, the only and infallible, hammers this religion and this fact into the rebellious minds of the general public, mercilessly fighting the infidels”.
It thus excludes all pluralism, announcing a totalitarian regime. The expansion as a motor force of Ukrainian nationalism stems from the designation of the nation – “nation” as a species in nature. Doncow cites Wolter here, according to which "the desire for the glory of his country means the desire for the misfortune of his neighbours", and adds:“The expansion of their country is only renounced by the 1 who has completely died out of a sense of patriotism. The law of expansion existed, exists, and will exist. The absurdity is the general human view of politics". Doncow recognizes the Ukrainians as a chosen nation. According to his words, they are made of clay, from which God creates the chosen nations. specified statements are most frequently qualified as a manifestation of racism.
Further motor forces of Ukrainian nationalism are: fanaticism, ruthlessness and hate. According to Doncov, “a fanatic considers his fact to be revealed to others”. Hence, his aggression and intolerance toward another views flow. Fanatism, according to this author,is built on a profoundly rooted tendency to confront, not to cooperate.Alsoimmorality occupies an crucial place in the catalogue of characteristics of Ukrainian nationalism under the sign of the CNS. The goal of “morality” professed by this nationalism is “strong man” alternatively than man inNot at all.In the fight for being, which Doncow and his disciples accept as the primary principle, The moral concept of justice and love is foreign.According to him,“Only philistors and people with a dead instinct of life act morally and reject war, killing, and violence. There is no humanism or justice in nature. There is only strength (life) and weakness (death).’
These are the main principles of the CNS ideology outlined in the most fresh summary. Nationalism, chiefly the work of the chief ideologist of Ukrainian nationalism Dmytro Doncov., who, beyond current politics, besides reached into the sphere of values.Clearly, they are very close to Nazism.
It is besides crucial to consider the issue of the social ground on which akin incentives and proposals of the CNS and UPA nationalists were put. In order to realize their importance and force, it is essential to remind of situations where Ukrainian nationalism as a kind of ideology has not yet reached the masses, and these masses were not even peculiarly curious in independence. We have here in head years after the fall of the Tsar, erstwhile anarchy began in Ukraine.
Descriptions of life in the areas of Żytommierzczyzna and Kiev, presented to us by Polish writers surviving there, supply frightening images. fresh novels by Zofia Kossak-Szczucka Fireand Maria Dunin-Kozicka Storm from the eastThey're showing shaking scenes. The local Ukrainian peasantry, wishing to flee the land of the Polish owners there, who, together with their fellow intelligence and another categories of the Polish population, constituted about 5% of the population of these regions, committed various savagery. In the pages of the books mentioned above, you can learn about excavating the victims of their eyes, burying them alive, and another elaborate tortures. These crimes were not inspired by organizations or ideologies. They had the character of individual initiatives, but clearly demonstrated the moral level of the Ukrainian village. Their inhabitants were about their own benefits, about land, not about their own country.
It is no wonder that 20 years later in western Volyn, part of the Second Republic of Poland, and later in east Małopolska, there were already inspired by the Nationalists of the OUN by mass and peculiarly sophisticated savage acts of crimes on a mass scale, which according to calculations were to consume lives of over 120 1000 murdered Poles. The calculations of Polish losses were carried out by different authors, and besides by Wiktor Poliszczuk, mentioned above, who in his book Evidence of CNS and UPA crimespublished in Toronto in 2000 presented the tragic events of martyrdom of Poles in Volyn and east Małopolska in the years of German occupation.
A very interesting issue is besides the opinion concerning Ukrainian nationalism in the territory of the Second Republic given in the work of 1 of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic bishops Grzegorz Chomyszyn. It's called Ukrainian problem and was published in the “Our Future” magazine in 1933. The author was very critical of Ukrainian nationalism. As can be done on the basis of his work, he besides stood on the basis of nationalism, but it was to be a affirmative nationalism, or respecting Christian values. Among Ukrainians surviving in the lands of the Second Republic, however, he does not see such. The 1 developing there, according to the bishop, is “a mad nationalism [which] leads to pagan worldview.”
The words quoted here besides include words specified as “destructive”, “poisonous” or “distorted”and specified in fact can be called the worldview of Dmytro Doncov and another little crucial ideologists from the same circle, linked in 1 way or another with the CNS and later factions composed in 1929. This kind of ideology could only find susceptible ground in a society of superficial religion and among the materialistic clergy, as Chomyszyn wrote. He besides spoke about the religiousness of modern intelligence: "The full of our intelligence ... is either liberal or atheistic, [...] The remainder are Catholics alternatively by name." From the further content of Chomyszyn's work, 1 can learn that the clergy could not or did not want to subdue the ideology of nationalistic values of Catholicism, or vice versa, allowed the domination of Darwinist nationalism over the sphere of religion. Given the properties of the masses there, the effects have proved tragic. However, among the Polish society there was a process of "burning nationalism with Catholicism into 1 full idea". It was a reverse process.
Modern Ukrainian nationalists even demonstrating in talks a favorable attitude towards the current Poland and the desire to keep affirmative relations with it – what is needed in Ukraine especially with respect to war with Russia (e.g. Right Sector) – do not want to talk about it. They propose to abandon historical disputes and know what this is for. Thus, the effort to exhume Poles murdered by UPA and its co-workers will not succeed. Our authorities are incapable to handle this substance or Ukraine's opposition is besides large, so nothing is happening in this field. any groups of nationalists, on the another hand, talk about territorial rewinds from our country (e.g. Social-National Asambleja). They mean 19 border Polish counties.
It is worrying to think about Ukrainian issues, which are represented by various environments in the present Poland. Last year's book by Mark Warlord Ukrainian Empire. Sources of the thought and its place in the political thought of Ukrainian integral nationalism in the first half of the 20th century In detail, he talks about various imperial Ukrainian ideas, which most frequently were purely theoretical and wishless without affecting any political reality. However, they were an expression of the longing for the regulation of Ukraine not only in Europe, but even in the vast areas of Asia, where the Ukrainian colonization reached as successive parts of the continent were acquired by Tsarsk Russia. It is teeming with the possible of national harmonisation of those areas that have not been and are not uniform in this respect. The issue of national policy is straight enshrined in geopolitical and imperial issues. However, the author does not actually compose anything about it, and if anything, it is very casual and without discussing it. The geopolitical problem is actually ethnic, due to the fact that it concerns the space in which they can all be together, or only those and not others.
In fact, it is arrogant to treat the technological achievements of Dr hab. Viktor Poliszczuk, whose habilitation work, as well as all technological achievements, has been positively assessed by the author as a reviewer of his habilitation. The another reviewers besides agreed on this.
Similarly, Dr. Warnar treated Lucy Kulinska's book Terrorist and sabotage activities of Ukrainian nationalist organizations in Poland from 1922 to 1939. The author took on the subject of "fatal" for sympathizers of Ukrainian nationalism, as well as opportunistic historians, who most eagerly effort to silence various embarrassing moments of Ukrainian nationalism due to current politics winds or individual benefits. This was not about any criticism of the shortcomings encountered, but a simple annihilation of authors and their works. It seems that the title problem of the book Kulińska deserves attention due to the fact that it touched the vital problems of the Second Republic. It's harder to ignore him.
The author is reminded of the radio message by Jerzy Giedroyć, in which he stated that the issue of UPA murders in Poles should simply “be forgotten”. While I was in contact with him in the letter, I was not able to respond to this in the right way, due to the fact that 2 weeks after this speech he was dead. He besides did not let Viktor Poliszczuk to talk and did not want to print any of his texts in the “Kultura”. On the another hand, Ukrainians reigned there, and the discussion, if so called fewer statements about the business crimes of Ukrainians, was in its form akin to the way of approaching various uncomfortable topics in PRL propaganda. I presented this in a separate article entitled Ukrainian problemin Paris ‘Kultura’ from 1989 to 2000 in “National Affairs”2007
As I recall, 1 of the authors of the Parisian “Culture” simply bloomed“It was war”and specified a summary was to suffice as a mention to crimes committed. The warlord in his book, which is simply a collection of detailed facts, does not take into account what characters were creating a framework for the full political formations and what were the creators of detailed proposals. As you can see, he does not feel well about axiological issues that have frequently been of large importance in history. He does not realize what Christian nationalism isand secular or neo-Pagan nationalisms. He does not know that the influence of spiritual values or at least spiritual derivatives has frequently had a cardinal effect on areas of life, even the economy, by shaping circumstantial attitudes. Let's just look at Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism Max Weber and another akin works. Imposing Poliszczuk "Emotional tone"to the issues examined, The warlord himself demonstrates in his book a circumstantial disregard for crimes committed in the Polish nation during the years of planet War II by Ukrainian nationalists and their supporters divining on another people's property.
Author The Ukrainian Empire, as he writes, he cooperates with historians whose bias is simply a fact. Prof. Motyka comes here. Whether it is political sympathy, or simply opportunism, to “keep low” or something else – it is another matter. The Polish-Ukrainian conflict hearing, what the author mentioned here did, while not calling cases by name, already undermines its credibility. Viktor Poliszczuk, mentioned earlier, described the Moth in the article The technological errors of Grzegorz Motyka. Polemics with the book G. Motyka entitled Ukrainian guerrilla 1942–1960. He besides criticized the 1 whom the Warlord Roman Wysocki appreciated in the text The Ukrainian Nationalist's Handbook. Polemics with Roman Wysocki's book entitled Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists in Poland from 1929 to 1939. Both articles were published in the collective work I edited Materials and studies from the past of Polish-Ukrainian relations (Kraków 2008).If we add to this information repeated attempts to torpedo various investigation initiatives or print testimonies about tragic Polish-Ukrainian relations in the 1940s (e.g. breaking up the technological ban at the PAU premises in Krakow in 1997), it becomes clear that the Wariwar's book ranks in a number of detailed studies incapable to further interpret crucial historical events, and in fact ignores what was most crucial in the course of past and the mechanisms driving them.
Of course, it is expected that there will be those for whom the opinions here will appear to be inappropriate in the current political situation – I am reasoning of the Russian state's aggression on Ukraine. In fact, for people who see the planet as bicolored, in which on the 1 hand there are forces of evil and on the another hand good, specified issues are unnecessary. For them the situation appears as imperialist Russia versus noble Ukraine and nothing more. However, I turn to readers who reflect on the complexity of the matters around us. There is no uncertainty that in the present situation we must proceed to support Ukraine. This is in our national interest. Its full decline would be powerfully unfavourable for Poland. Thus, all pro-Russian "smiles" are hostile gestures.
However, the sense of the Polish state requires reasoning not only about what is present and what can happen even tomorrow, but should besides take into account the probable situations that may happen the day after next day and even later. Do we request a powerful Ukraine in the future – a country twice the size of Poland, highly fertile with large deposits of fossil resources, well industrialized and possibly besides friends with those who in past have not loved us very often, and even sought our destruction? It may be essential to choose Ukraine limited from the east and south, about as the border of the First Republic passed there until the Chmielnicki Uprising. specified a country should be more keen to realize that it should be connected with Poland with relationship and very close cooperation.
Responsible for crimes of genocide during planet War II and immediately after it are now considered heroes, at least in western Ukraine. It is surrounded by the cult of specified criminals as Roman Szuchewycz or Roman Kłaczkowska, and Stefan Bandera is built pantheons. The SS Hałyczyn Division in Lviv, whose members murdered Polish inhabitants of Podkania, Pieniacka Huta or Palikowy, besides saw a peculiar monument. This is most likely the only monument exhibited in Europe to SS-mans. In 2015, the Ukrainian authorities considered UPA members to be combatants. Aren't these factors acting on the psyche of the next generations? So far distrust is caused here and there by the statements in Poland that the Ukrainian generation of the time sees in nationalists only fighters with Russia.
Of course, let us support Ukraine today, due to the fact that we do not request Russia here or its influence. However, let us take care of our interests, remembering that the brotherhood of arms with Petlur Ukrainian Ukraine against Bolshevik Russia did not lead to any permanent coexistence of both nations. The relation between them went the other way. Let us think about the future, including the future. Let us besides reject the past slogans specified as “for yours and our freedom”, due to the fact that they're false. Let us not indulge in lofty maxims. Let us observe closely what is happening in Ukraine, or alternatively in the souls of the Ukrainians, because, as August Comte said, the father of positivism, you must “know to anticipate the intent of remedying”!And cognition is free discussion and the right to see various aspects of matters, not gagging thoughts and research.
photo: wikipedia.commons
