In March and late October, local government elections were held in Montenegro. Election results confirmed the erosion of President's influence Milo Djukanovica, and consequently the influence of the West has decreased in this country.
Some history.
Before we go to the election analysis, I will give any insight into the political past of Montenegro.
The Serbs lived for centuries in harmony with the Montenegrins, who were considered an cultural group, being part of the Serbian people. Until 1989, any effort to establish Montenegrin separatistism was supported by Croatians and Germans. From 1852 to 1918 there was a separate Montenegrin statehood from the Serbs. The Kingdom of Montenegro took part in both Balkan wars on the side of the Serbs. After the end of planet War I, Montenegro became part of the Kingdom of Serbia. On December 1, 1918, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians was established. The name of the state itself to the fact that the Montenegrins identified themselves with the Serbian people – if that were not the case, it would simply have been added to the State's name by the “Montenegro”.
Josip Broz TitoAfter planet War II, Yugoslavia was treated unfairly by the Serbs. Only within the Socialist Republic of Serbia were the autonomous creations – Kosovo, Voivodina, which were able to block the findings made in Belgrade. Tito did not make any autonomous structures within the Socialist Republic of Croatia. alternatively of dividing Bosnia and Herzegovina between Croats and Serbs, Tito created the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition, he created the Socialist Republic of Montenegro, the Socialist Republic of Macedonia – both of them hit the interests of the Serbs. The Socialist Republic of Montenegro included areas without appeal ethnically Serbian – the northern part of the Socialist Republic of Montenegro.
Nationality
In particular, Tito promoted nationalisms there in Montenegro and Macedonia in contrra to the Serbs. The main promoter of specified policy in the Yugoslavian authorities was Milovan Diljas. Diljas, Trotskyist and later dissident, 1 of the favorites of the KOR community. The policy of promoting Montenegrin separatistism was reflected in censuses. In 1948, Montenegrin nationality declared 90.67% of the population of the republic, with only 1.78% declaring Serbian nationality. The promotion of the artificial Montenegrin nation proved ineffective, as according to the 1991 census, only 61.86% of the population declared Montenegrin nationality and 9.34% were Serbian. According to the 2011 Census, Montenegrin nationality declared 44.98% and Serbian - 28.73%, which is detrimental to the Serbs as well as to the efficient management of the territory; in Montenegro, according to the Census, there are still: Bosnian (8.65%) (Albanese 4.91%), Muslim - de facto are Bosnians (3.31%) and Croats (0.97%). Montenegrin's language structure is even more interesting: Serbian is spoken by 42.88% of the population, and the Montenegrin language that the separatists powerfully advance is spoken by 36.97%.
Djukanovica dictatorship
Politicians and media related to COPIS like to attack uncomfortable people in Poland or Lithuania for belonging to communist parties. Of course, hypocrites from COPIS do not interfere with the holders of communist passes in the Lithuanian anti-Polish Sajudis movement, or neo-Banderowiec Viktor Yushchenko – he was a associate of the KPZR. For OPIS Aleksandr Lukashenko He is simply a neo-communist, bloodthirsty dictator, but the same people will not hesitate about the past Milo Djukanovićia, who in the past was a associate of the Communist Union of Yugoslavia.
Djukanović has ruled since 1990 (4 years longer than the “terrible” Lukashenko) in Montenegro – erstwhile as Prime Minister, erstwhile as President. Djukanović is at the head of the Democratic Socialist Party, which is an anti-Serbian, technocratic party, having nothing to do with protecting workers and caring for social policy. It governs thanks to the support of Germany, the US, the European Union, NATO and the voices of national minorities. Since the beginning of his rule, Djukanović has sought to separate from the state created jointly with Serbia.
The crimes of NATO bombing in 1999 led to hyperinflation in Montenegro and Serbia. Djukanović so decided to introduce a German brand as a means of payment in Montenegro (which met with the large designation of the German state). In 2002, the German brand replaced the euro, thus making Montenegro's economy dependent on the West, and besides limited the ability of the authorities in Podgorica to influence fiscal policy.
Independence
In 2006, an independency referendum took place in Montenegro on the initiative of Djukanovic. In addition to Djukanovicia and its entrees, the referendum was supported by the Democratic Union of Albanians, the Bosnian Party, the Croatian Citizens' Initiative. The global institutions have agreed that the independency referendum should be considered valid if at least 55% of the voters (although the regulation of at least 2 thirds of the vote in favour of another independency referendums) are declared valid. 230,711 people, or 55.5%, voted for independency against 184,954 people, or 44.5%. The vote difference was 45 757. It is worth noting the difference of votes in favour and against in areas dominated by Albanians and Bosnians. In Plav they were 5 142 votes, in Rožaje 12 521 votes, in Ulcinj – 10 664 votes. The difference of vote in these towns alone amounted to 28 327, if they were missing, it would not be possible to scope the support essential for the validity of the referendum (of course, in specified a situation Djukanović with the support of the West would hold a referendum until the end).
Recognition of Kosovo
Montenegro under the regulation of Djukanovicia recognised Kosovo's independency on 9 October 2008. That decision was surely in the hands of Germany and the United States. In 2017, Montenegro joined NATO (it's interesting who bombed the port in Bara in 1999?). In July 2020, the Djukanovic People's Voices voted out the homosexual union bill. Djukanović thus caught up with Croatia and Slovenia – the prime ministers of the region in the introduction of liberal worldview.
In the spring of 2020 he decided to expropriate property belonging to the Serbian Orthodox Church. Djukanović pursues autokephalia in Montenegro. What grotesque, financed by the money of the Polish payer Belsat accuses... Russia to inspire Orthodox protests of believers against this decision of Djukanovica . The same Belsat will not compose about the inspiration of protests against Lukashenko, about various bloggers and online channels inciting Belarusians to protests that operate from the territory of Poland. The quoted "expert" speaks of the Russian blockade of the integration of Montenegro and North Macedonia into the EU and NATO. It's all good, but that Montenegro and Northern Macedonia are already NATO members, so what kind of blockade can we talk about here?
What is worth emphasizing, Belsat and another Polish-language media are constantly talking about the brutality of the militia in Belarus, but they forget about the brutality of Djukanovic and his sidekicks. Similarly, in Poland at the time of the weddings, matches, protests against COPIS and appetizers, they posed an epidemiological threat, but centuries Andrzej Duda, Rafał Trzaskowski whether protests in Belarus are free from coronavirus attacks.
Parliamentary Failure
In August 2020, parliamentary elections were held in Montenegro. Parliament has 81 seats, the electoral threshold is 3%. The election set a turnout evidence in independent Montenegro, with 76.65% voting.
The Djukanovic group achieved the worst score always – 35.06%, which gave them 30 tickets.
The second place was "For the Future of Montenegro" – a coalition of conservative, opposed NATO and the EU, proserbian groups, which gained 32.55%, which translated into 27 seats. 3rd place was taken by "Peace Is Our Nation" – a coalition reluctant to Djukanovici, which won 12.54% (10 tickets). The next place was won by “Black on White” – a pro-Western group, but set against Djukanovic, which won 5.53% of the votes and 5 seats. The group leader is Drinat AbazovićAn cultural Albanian from Ulcini. The last 3 listed groups have a minimum majority – 41 mandates, and they will effort to make a government. National number parties besides won 5 seats in the election. Djukanovic's desire to retreat from power and his cliques led to the creation of an exotic coalition – “For the Future of Montenegro” from “Black on White” and “Peace Is Our Nation”.
He became fresh Prime Minister in December 2020 Zdravo Krivkoapić, from a prosersbsky coalition. Exotic coalition didn't last long. In August 2021, Krivokapić dismissed Minister of Justice, Human Rights and Minorities Vladimir Leposavica for his statements in contrare to the western version of the events in Srebrenica in 1995.
Government without majority
The vote on the resignation of Leposavić was supported primarily by DPS Djukanovic, “Black on White” Abazovicia and the Albanian and Bosnian number party, which was the beginning of an informal agreement between these groups at the time.
The consequence was a proposal made at the end of 2021 by “Black to White” to make a number government, which, according to Abazović, the leader of the party, was the only chance to overcome the crisis in which the government found itself. This proposal gained the support of the DPS, which resulted in a vote of distrust for Krivokapić and his cabinet, voted out on 4 February 2022.
The government of Abazovicia obtained a vote of assurance on 28 April 2022. Apart from Abazović's people, the government was joined by the Socialist People's organization of Montenegro – moderately proserbic, as well as co-operating with Djukanovic Social Democratic organization of Montenegro, Boszniacka Party, Albanian List, Albanian Coalition, Croatian Civic Initiative. He's the head of the Home Office. Filip Adžić – specified a Montenegrin Poroshenko, a associate of the Montenegro Orthodox Church. True, on August 20, the government of Abazovic received a vote of distrust, but inactive rules.
Montenegro
Local elections were held in Montenegro in March and October. They confirmed Djukanovic's decline in influence. The largest proserb group in the local elections is the Democratic Front. The Djukanovic group in the municipality of Berane lost their seats. The government majority in the municipality formed 5 proserb groups. In Albanian-dominated municipality Ulciniy DPS lost 3 tickets. The majority in the municipality formed a coalition consisting of ruling groups at national level.
W Budvie began a spiritual dispute caused by Djukanovica's actions. In the municipality of Budva a large triumph was won by the Democratic Front, gaining 49.5%, which will let self-government. The Djukanovicia organization lost 3 tickets and the front gained 7 tickets.
An interesting situation is the municipality of Tivat. Djukanović with coalitions won 12 tickets (a drop by 2 tickets). The Proserb groups have won 13 seats . Attention will be paid to the Croatian Citizens' Initiative, which has won 3 seats,
The municipality of Plumžine is dominated by the Serbs. Proserb parties will regulation the municipality, and the Djukanovcia group lost 4 seats there. In Žabljak, the DPS lost as many as 7 seats, and the majority in the municipality will form proserb parties. A akin situation occurred in Bijelo Pole, where DPS lost as many as 10 tickets, but it will make a government with the support of social democrats and Bosnians. An analogous situation occurred in Bar Municipality, where DPS lost 2 tickets, but will regulation in a coalition with the Bosnians and Social Democrats.
The Djukanovica group in Danilovgrad suffered large losses, where it lost as many as 12 seats and it is possible to form a majority in the municipality without DPS participation. In Kolašin, the group of the president of Montenegro lost as many as 8 seats and the situation is akin as in Danilovgrad. In the capital of Montenegro, Podgorica DPS lost as many as 11 tickets and there is besides the anticipation of most without the participation of Djukanovcia people.
In Bosnian-dominated municipality Plav, DPS will proceed to rule, nevertheless the Djukanovicia organization lost 3 tickets there, a surprise was the good result of the Democratic Front, which gained 3 tickets in that municipality. The municipality of Rojaje is dominated by Boszniaków there besides DPS lost 7 tickets. In Pleevla, the Djukanovica organization lost 11 tickets and the Democratic Front gained as many as 8 tickets. In this municipality, proserb parties will most likely form a coalition in the municipality. A success in the recently formed Zeta municipality was achieved by the Democratic Front winning 16 out of 32 tickets. DF will most likely enter the coalitions of the Socialist People's organization of Montenegro.
A weak system
The consequence of the local election confirmed Djukanovica and his party's weakening positions. The strategy created by Djukanovic is being eroded. The failure of further local governments will consequence in a failure of administrative resources by the DPS, which may consequence in an even greater fall in support of the DPS, as well as the re-election of Djukanovic next year may be called into question. The West focuses on Abazovic as a substitute for Djukanovc in the implementation of his policy. The coming months can be very interesting in Montenegrin politics.
Kamil Waćkowski
