The Tri-Sea Initiative (3SI), launched in 2015 by Poland and Croatia, is simply a strategically crucial platform for regional cooperation, comprising thirteen associate States of the European Union located in Central Europe. This format, extending from the Baltic to the Black Sea, is an ambitious consequence to the long-term developmental disparities of the European continent.[1]. The main nonsubjective of the initiative is to systematically reduce the economical gap between east and Western Europe by intensifying regional trade, promoting sustainable economical growth and diversifying energy sources, with a focus on independency from the prevailing influences of the Russian Federation. Poland, as a co-initiator and active task promoter, aspires to be a regional leader, which strategically strengthens its position in the structures of the European Union and internationally.
From a historical perspective, Central Europe was characterised by infrastructure deficits and structural economical inequality compared to the western part of the continent. Despite political integration within the EU and NATO, outdated infrastructure, frequently built in the times of the russian Union, and susceptible energy systems inactive posed a major challenge. The initiative of the Tri-Sea, in analytical terms, represents a proactive strategy of transforming these weaknesses into assets. through the planned expansion of modern cross-border networks in the energy, transport and digital technologies sectors, 3SI aims to make an interior marketplace that generates growth impulses for regional economies, in peculiar in the agri-food, production and tourism sectors. The strategical position of Poland in the centre of the Trimorz region generates the possible for transformation of the country into a key transit hub, benefiting from the intensification of trade flows and the improvement of advanced logistics services.
However, the Tri-Mediterranean Initiative goes beyond the framework of infrastructure-specific projects, which is besides an crucial abroad policy instrument with a strategical dimension. Diversification of energy sources and independency from Russian natural materials, building regional resilience to price shocks, promoting energy transition towards green energy, and strengthening intra-regional trade – all of these elements constitute a comprehensive strategy for strengthening Central Europe's position in global competition for influence. Analysingly, consolidating the region of the Tri-Sea and strengthening its collective voice in the EU and NATO is the foundation for building fresh quality in European policy. The coordinated 3SI actions aim to increase the efficiency of lobbying in Brussels and attract strategical investment from fresh directions, alternate to conventional backing sources. Poland, aware of geopolitical challenges in the region, considers 3SI as a key instrument for strengthening its own and regional security, which is consistent with its strategical national interests. "Today, the Tri-Sea Initiative area is 1 of the fastest increasing regions in the world, with projected GDP growth of 35% by 2030. This cooperation creates strategical transport routes specified as Via Baltica, Rail Baltica or Via Carpatia – corridors connecting Central Europe with the remainder of the continent and creating a gateway for investments from the mediate East and Africa" – stressed president Andrzej Duda during his February speech in Dubai[2]. Poland, thanks to its central position, benefits from intensifying trade and developing advanced logistics.
Key priorities of the Tri-Sea Initiative:
- Energy security: Flag projects, specified as Polish Baltic Pipe, Croatian LNG Krk terminal, or Polish-Lithuanian gas pipeline GIPL supply material evidence of the country's determination to diversify energy supply and make regional energy hubs. These projects offer a viable alternate to high-risk transit routes and support the stabilisation of energy markets. The accession of Greece, with the Vertical Gas Corridor initiative, further strengthens the region's energy security. However, completed in 2022 Baltic Pipe, a key task for Poland, reduces dependence on gas imports from the Russian Federation.
- Transport: Infrastructure projects specified as Via Carpatia motorway, connecting Lithuania to Greece, and Rail Baltica, a high-speed railway line connecting the Baltic countries with Poland and further south of Europe, are a breakthrough in the modernisation of the infrastructure of the region. These projects replace post-Soviet communication systems and make fresh commercial arteries. These initiatives make tangible benefits for the agricultural and industrial sectors, improving supply chains, reducing logistical costs and stimulating tourism by improving the region's communication accessibility. Via Carpatia and Rail Baltica are projects of not only regional importance, but besides national importance for Poland, strengthening territorial cohesion and integration with the European transport network, facilitating the movement of goods and people.
- Digital Innovation: 3SI accentuates digital improvement by expanding 5G networks, strengthening cybersecurity and creating a digital single market. Building on the possible of digital leaders in the region, specified as Estonia, the initiative aims to increase the level of digitisation across Central Europe. Digital modernisation is key to expanding economical competitiveness and making the region more attractive for future investments. Poland's participation in the 3SI digital pillar is fundamental for the modernisation of the country's digital infrastructure and the simplification of the digital distance from Western Europe, strengthening the position of Poland's economy in the digital age. The current discussion on the function of Poland in the context of the improvement of national artificial intelligence and digitalisation of the state administration shows that the subject is politically bearable, which does not translate into increased funds to support individual projects.
For Poland, as co-founder of the format, 3SI has peculiar meaning. Poland uses an extended transport and energy infrastructure, supporting its own economical modernisation and consolidating the function of a key transit hub. At strategical level, 3SI is consistent with objectives of Poland on regional safety and diversification of energy sources. Similarly, for another Central European countries, 3SI offers an instrumentarium to overcome historical developmental inequalities, upgrade infrastructure and strengthen sovereignty within an integrated and resilient region. In addition, improved digital infrastructure and network improvement work together with NATO's targets to strengthen the east flank and to increase capacity to respond to safety challenges.
It is worth noting that during the 10 years of the Tri-Morning Initiative a number of objectives have been achieved, as evidenced by the yearly summit held in various countries, which attracts expanding interest in local business. Last year more than 900 entrepreneurs participated in the Business Forum in Lithuania, while this number reached 1200 in Romania 2 years ago. The initiative besides gains the support of partners from around the world, as evidenced by Japan's joining as a strategical partner last year. An crucial component of 3SI actions is the improvement and implementation of the precedence Projects List, which aims to strengthen infrastructure in the Central Europe region[3]. The success of the Tri-Sea Initiative to date includes the acquisition of strategical partners, specified as the USA, Germany, the European Commission and Japan, the creation of a common CEEplus stock index, which brings together over 100 largest companies from Croatia, the Czech Republic, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia and Hungary, as well as the establishment of the Investment Fund and the Tri-Sea Initiative Innovation Fund. Work is presently underway to make an Investment Fund successor[4].
Ensuring adequate financing of multi-billion projects and overcoming political disparities between associate States stay key problems. The war in Ukraine has given the Initiative a fresh momentum, making the integration of Ukrainian infrastructure into the EU a priority. However, this requires additional backing and appropriate coordination between countries. Importantly, the United States has consistently supported 3SI, viewing it as an instrument to counter Russian influence, engage Chinese capital in the region, and strengthen transatlantic ties, while declaring crucial financial support. The European Union recognises the possible of 3SI complementarity with its own objectives, but there is no deficiency of concerns about possible competition between individual projects.
In conclusion, the Tri-Mediterranean Initiative goes beyond the definition of a regional project, providing a imagination for a new, stronger, more independent and integrated Europe. By eliminating critical infrastructure gaps, supporting regional solidarity and generating measurable economic, energy and geopolitical benefits, 3SI actively contributes to reducing the historical division of the continent and building a safer and more influential Europe in a complex global environment. Poland, as a driver of the initiative, is simply a key beneficiary and architect of this process of transforming the European landscape.
For more information on the Tri-Sea Initiative, see the 3SI investigation Centre website at the Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences: https://trojmor.isppan.waw.pl/
[1] Members of the investigation Centre of the Triombia Initiative at the ISP PAS, Basic Information, https://trojmorze.isppan.waw.pl/initiative-trojmorza/basic-information/ (accessed 07.03.25).
[2] President.pl, In April, the Trimorz Initiative Summit in Warsaw, https://www.president.pl/updates/international bureau-policy/updates/in-April-in-warszaw-jubilee-top-initiative-three,97278, (access 07.03.25).
[3] Members of the Triombia Initiative investigation Centre at the ISP PAS, Selected precedence Projects, https://trojmorze.isppan.waw.pl/news/chosen-priority projects/ (accessed 07.03.25).
[4] President.pl, op. cit.
