The Treaty was inactive born – on the 30th anniversary of the signing of the Polish-Lithuanian Treaty (part II)

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Zdjęcie: Traktat martwo urodzony – w 30. rocznicę podpisania traktatu polsko-litewskiego (cz. II)


Adam Chajewski

THE POLSCO-LITHUANIA TREATY

On 24 April 1994, the presidents of Lithuania and Poland – Algirdas Brazauskas and Lech Wałęsa – signed in Vilnius Treaty between the Republic of Poland and the Republic of Lithuania on friendly relations and good neighbourly cooperation. [8] Parliaments of both contractors of this deal (the Republic of Poland and the Republic of Lithuania) On 13 October 1994, the Presidents of both countries were authorised to ratify Treaty. And, if the Polish Sejm did so unanimously, [9In the Lithuanian Sejm, the approval of ratification was given by a majority [10There were 91 Members in favour of ratification, 19 in favour, 8 in favour.

Treaty He was negotiated long and hard. [11] Both parties argued fiercely about the rights of Lithuanian Poles [12] and the evaluation of relations between the Second Republic and the russian Lithuania, as well as during the Second planet War (so-called historical events). [13] During initialling Treaty by abroad ministers of Poland and Lithuania, Andrzej Olechowski and Povilas Gylys, which took place on 18 March 1994, there was a uncommon display of diplomatic arrogance by the Polish minister. "The fact that we did not invitation to the consultation work on the ZPL Treaty [Union of Poles in Lithuania – ACH] and the border circles, Minister Andrzej Olechowski signed with the message “We do not have the habit of conducting consultations in besides broad a group”.14]

The Pragmatics of the Treaty negotiations, which Andrzej Olechowski revealed, were commented by the president of the ZPL and the associate of the Sejm Ryszard Maciejkianiec: [15] "This is an old practice, functioning from the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, when, behind the back of others, people, minorities, are decided to talk without their participation".

TreatyAlthough he was negotiated long and persistently, he proved unsatisfying in all the above issues. [16[F]

The question of borders and territories was dealt with before the Treaty – the Treaty only in a curiosive manner confirmed [G] – by unilateral acceptance of Poland's failure lands taken territorial impacts Secret Additional Protocol au Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, without trying to get on this occasion a real warrant of the rights left to Polish citizens there. [16 – pp. 105–107] [H]

Questions of restitution of cultural goods and non-proprietary (in the case of this text of non-lithuanisation) left behind; reparations and compensation for private persons, social organisations and the state (in the case of this text of the Republic of Poland) in the provisions Treaty not taken. [16 – pp. 100–105] Moreover, these issues have not been addressed to this day.

Although decisive decisions had previously been made an incredible scandal was the omission into Treaty the right to choose citizenship and the place of settlement left on the lands of the Polish citizens taken from the times of the Second Republic. I have described this in a detailed way in the above - quoted study. [16 – pp. 107–108, 109] and in “Polish Policy”. [17 – pp. 126–130]. In conclusion, I wrote: “Putting Poles in Lithuania, in a situation where they had to formally voluntarily renounce Polish citizenship, is the most common betrayal. The betrayal of its own citizens, in relation to Lithuania, even demonstrative, and worst of all, betrayal on behalf of the brightest Republic. It's an inexhaustible shame, a moral disgrace, a disgraceIt’s okay. ” [17 – 129]

It should be noted that despite persistent harassment by the Lithuanian side Poland did not agree to include Treaty condemning Polish policy towards Lithuania in the interwar period and the activities of the National Army in Vilnius. [13 – 151–183] However, she agreed to include Treaty falsifying statements and comparing the victim's experience [18] and kata (Lithuania). [19] Before signing the Treaty, the president of the civilian Defence Committee of Poles in Vilnius Prof. Ryszard Szawłowski, “referring to the evidence (in the preamble) Treaty) which read: “Despite the tragedy and the magnitude of the losses suffered by our nations by totalitarian systems in the 20th century”, he stated that (...) there is no reason for the Polish side to exhibit the Lithuanian side, which has committed – in close cooperation with the Nazis – acts of genocide and crimes against humanity, besides against tens of thousands of Polish citizens, how even a lying global “testimony of morality”” [13 – pp. 169–170]

SEE -> PART AND TEXT

ARRANGEMENTS:

Note: access to all online posts, including those in COMMENTS, 26.04.201224.

[8] Treaty between the Republic of Poland and the Republic of Lithuania on friendly relations and good neighbourly cooperation drawn up in Vilnius on 26 April 1994; https://isap.sejm.gov.pl/isap.Nsf/download.xsp/WDU19950150071/O/D19950071.pdf.

[9] ‘The Lithuanian Chronicle 1988-2000”’, “October 13 [1994]”, National Club of Lovers of Lithuania, Warsaw 2001, p. 194. 13.10.1994.

[10] Lietuvos Respublikos Seimo rytinio posėdžio [Morning session of the Parliament of the Republic of Latvia] PROTOCOLAS Nr.17(316)), https://e-seimas.lrs.lt/portal/legalAct/lt/TAK/TAIS.16155.

[11] Chajewski Adam, “Circumstances of negotiating and signing the Treaty between the Republic of Poland and the Republic of Lithuania on friendly relations and good neighbourly cooperation", "Studium Vilnius A", vol. 14, Vilnius 2017. pp. 98-105.

[12] Chajewski Adam, “The issue of number rights in negotiations on the Treaty between the Republic of Poland and the Republic of Lithuania on friendly relations and good neighbourly cooperation", "Studium Vilnius A", vol. 16, Vilnius 2019. pp. 42-51.

[13] Chajewski Adam, “The issue of historical developments in negotiations on the Treaty between the Republic of Poland and the Republic of Lithuania on friendly relations and good neighbourly cooperation“[in: ‘Poles in Lithuania- Past and Present’], [scientific: Wojciech Lis], published by adam marshal, Toruń 2018. pp. 151-183.

[14] Piasecka Marzena, “We're beginning a fresh chapter“The Word of the Catholic Journal”, No. 56 of 1.03.1994. p. 5.

[15] Ivanowski Hubert, "Conversation with Ryszard Maciejkian, president of the Union of Poles in Lithuania“The Word of the Catholic Journal”, No 71 of 12.04.1994.

[16See for example: Chajewski Adam, “Coming out of subservience, that is, the issue of eliminating the consequences of Poland's failure of independency in the politics of II and III of the Republic”, Yearbook of the Association of Polish Scientists of Lithuania20, Vilnius-Dąbrowa Górnicza 2020. pp. 95-115; https://snpl.lt/Yearbook/20/R.20.091-115.pdf.

[17] Chajewski Adam, ““Blaski” and “shadows” of Polish east Closer Policy‘Poland Policy’ No. 4 (24), IV 2017, pp. 112–140.

[18] e.g. Crimes in Ponarach, Niemenczyń, Nowy Wilejka, Oranach, Jashunach, Ejjszki, Troki, Siemielishki, fresh Saints, Saints – together about 94,000 murdered; behind: Ypatingasis būrys, https://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ypatingasis_b%C5%ABrys.

[19] e.g.: Ypatingas Burys (Pontar shooters, shaulisi), Lithuanian police troops from police stations in Święciany, fresh Saints, Lyntupy.

COMMENTS:

E– In fact, to the situation prior to the settlement in Perejasław (r. 1654), in which the Cossacks, headed by the Hetman Bohdan Chmielnicki, surrendered to Russia by surrendering to their control, and belonging to the Crown, crucial areas of Ukraine; formally before the Treaty of Grzymultowski (r. 1886); in which the Republic of Both Nations renounced itself to Russia of Smolensk Land, Czernichowska and left-coast (from the left bank of Dniepr) of Ukraine, including Kiev.

F– Article [1It related to the question of how II Models for this comparison were, for the Second Republic, so-called. Treaty of Riga, which is Treaty of Peace between Poland and Russia - Ukraine signed in Riga on 18 March 1921, [2] for the III Republic Treaty between the Republic of Poland and the Republic of Lithuania on friendly relations and good neighbourly cooperation drawn up in Vilnius on 26 April 1994. [3]

[1] Chajewski Adam, “The issue of the elimination of the consequences of Poland's failure of independency in the politics of II and III Republics20, Vilnius-Dąbrowa Górnicza 2020. p. 95-115; https://snpl.lt/Yearbook/20/R.20.091-115.pdf.

[2] OJ 1921 no. 49, item 300, 18.03.2021.; https://isap.sejm.gov.pl/isap.nsf/download.xsp/WDU19210490/O/D19210300.pdf, accessed: 26.04.2024,

[3] OJ 1995 No. 15, item 71, 26.04.2014.; https://isap.sejm.gov.pl/isap.Nsf/download.xsp/WDU19950150071/O/D19950071.pdf.

[GIn the preamble to the Treaty, there is simply a passus of solemn confirmation of common integrity “Today and in the future, its current territories with capitals in Warsaw and Vilnius, regardless of the process of forming their borders in the pastIt’s okay. ” The confirmation in the agreement of the global seat of the partners' capitals is simply a circumstantial curiosum, irrelevant that having a real origin in Lithuanian traumas.

[H] "As shortly as 2 weeks after the emergence of the government (Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki 12 September 1989) Minister of abroad Affairs Krzysztof Skubiszewski spoke, in a speech delivered at the UN, of the work to "not question the borders and treat them as inviolable". This position was reiterated by the Minister in the autumn of 1989, erstwhile “on his visit to London, he declared that Poland had no territorial objections in the East”It’s okay. ” However, in 1990, during a debate in the Senate, the Minister stated "that not to make an authoritative declaration of not having territorial objections towards our neighbours is tantamount to taking action to revise borders... and to do so “it would be essential to start a war”. [1 – pp. 63-64]

‘Jest is reasoning of course curiosity – I commented on the Minister's message [1 – p. 64] – There were many another options between territorial silence and border warfare. Although the option – in my opinion, then optimal – of not raising territorial pretensions while refusing to officially recognise the territorial order of the time, until many issues related to this order, for Poland, are resolved. For example, guarantees for the rights of Poles surviving there, or the return of our cultural heritage remaining on these lands (...)It’s okay. ”

In 1990, comparatively 1991, the following concept emerged: Vilnius was part of Poland not the way of military conquest but due to the decision (recognized by the global community) chosen in free elections of the Sejm. In specified a situation Poland has no right (at least moral) to accept the belonging of Vilnius to another state organism (Lithuania) until the legal position of this territory is agreed with the Poles there. This concept was referred to by then president of the Polish faction (club) in the Lithuanian parliament Ryszard Maciejkianiec [2 – p. 137] in a speech at a gathering of the Committee on abroad Affairs and Migration and Poles behind the Border of the legislature of Poland on 15 May 1991.

[1] Chajewski Adam, “The policy of Polish government towards Poles in the East and the consequences for Polish communities“Poland Policy” No. 89 (2829), VIIIIX 2017. p. 5976.

[2] Chajewski Adam “Dialogue or separate monologues? Lithuanian Poles from 1988 to 1991 between Moscow, Vilnius and WarsawIt’s okay. ” 22A, Vilnius – Dąbrowa Górnicza 2022. p. 111144; https://www.snpl.lt/new/?p=2319.

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