— People are unemployed, surviving very badly. Unfortunately, Lech Wałęsa promised us a 3rd Japan to be flooded with dollars. For now, we are covered in blood — a young female does not bite her tongue.
— The future of our children, that's why we're voting for him. Why are they so afraid of him and say that 1 man is threatening democracy?
“There is blood on us”
And the young boy adds that “he wants Poland to have a president who thinks for himself”. “ Not like the Wales they think counselors are, ” he says.
All speeches are recorded at the rally Tyminski State. It is 1990, and there is simply a presidential run in Poland. A little-known businessman is 1 of six candidates who will yet run in these elections. There were more willing, but not all managed to collect the required 100,000 signatures. This play failed, among others, by Janusz Korwin-Mikke.
— It was a tough run for me. Tymiński and his libertarian message were taken from me by an electorate, recalling Korwin-Mikke in a conversation with me.
— With all due respect to Mr. Korwin-Mikke, Mr. Tyminski was possibly a libertarian in Canada. In Poland he presented alternatively an highly anti-liberal program. And that's not why Korwin-Mikke couldn't collect 100,000 signatures, due to the fact that Tyminski took the electorate. Only due to the fact that Tymiński had money for people who collected signatures. And since they had to be collected for the first time and could not be bought on the black market, by all means Tyminski defeated Korwin in the runoffs. due to the fact that Korwin, without people to collect signatures, was not even able to register, says historian prof. Antoni Dudek.
Vladimir Cimoszewicz talks about “total improvisation”
There will be more in the text about the Tyminski State, which in 1990 turned the Polish political scene powerfully for respective weeks.
Theoretically, it was not easy for a left-wing camp candidate who, 1 year after the fall of communism, powerfully associated with the right past era. This weight on his shoulders he took Vladimir Cimoszewicz, later Prime Minister. In 1990, he competed as a candidate of the Sociallemocracy of the Republic of Poland, a organization that came straight from the PZPR.
Today he mentions that fight with the highest office as “total improvisation”. “ Fortunately, the election decree for the first time predicted free airtime on public television. And that's a lot, due to the fact that everyone had about 2 hours. People were very interested. Before the elections, 3 percent of the respondents recognized me, 97% after the elections. Six months later, it allowed us to make a broad political coalition known as the SLD, writes Cimoszewicz.
He besides stresses that his organization affiliation did not origin him problems in the campaign. “ I met a warm reception everywhere. Of course, the media, with fewer exceptions, was indifferent at best, but the airtime allowed to circumvent this. Paradoxically, what I said led many people to consider whether propaganda stereotypes made sense, he adds.
In those elections, Cimoszewicz received 1.5 million votes and took 4th place.
The division of Solidarity versus Communists is no longer the only
It was a peculiar election. Even a fewer years earlier, 1 organization had decided everything in Poland, and from the East, the Russian bear was always threatening to look at us. Round Table he shook the system, and later powerfully rocked by the 1989 parliamentary elections, where the communists were guaranteed 65 percent seats anyway. Had it not been for this guarantee, there would have been virtually no trace in the Sejm as early as 1989.
Communists headed by Wojciech Jaruzelski They were inactive trying to defend their political interests, but it rapidly became clear that their time (at least in the authoritative authorities) had just come to an end. Tadeusz Mazowiecki's government was established and it was the people of “Solidarity” who began to decide on the most crucial issues in Poland.
There was no longer a long time and the people of “Solidarity” had a large fight. alleged ‘war on top’ She brought political victims on both sides. In short, 2 opposing camps can be indicated here: Mazowiecki and Wałęsa.
Wałęsa played Trump kind today
The erstwhile recorded a decrease in support, due to the fact that many Poles powerfully hit Balcerowicz's alleged plan, by the Minister of Finance, who powerfully turned the Polish economy from socialist tracks into these free-market ones. Mazowieckie was besides attacked for besides slow accounting of the people of the erstwhile system.
Wałęsa, legend of “Solidarity” then behaved a bit like modern Donald Trump. He promised swift settlement, a strong hand rule, and an axe smashing arrangements.
Mazowiecki and Walęsa faced each another in the 1990 presidential campaign. Known from erstwhile years, the zero-one division ("Solidarity" versus communists) went to lame.
"During Wałęsa's public appearances, he announced the acceleration of changes in the country, the “air” of Warsaw and the breakdown of thieving clicks, which he felt Mazowiecki was incapable to do. He declared “putting them in socks” and besides softened Balcerovich’s plan. This was accompanied by a widespread expropriation of society, expressed in the celebrated slogan “100 million for everyone”. The property of specified value, of course expressed in the old zlotys, was to be endowed with all citizen of the Republic of Poland" – prof. Antoni Dudek writes in his book "Dudek about history".
Mazowieckie's people mock the axe of Wałęsa
Mazowieckie was not the kind of politician who felt good at the rallies, and the dirty run was alien to him. But his staff decided to respond to Wales with a series of videos that embarrassed the legend of "Solidarity".
"On 1 of them, the Wałęsowska axe cut Poland off on the map of Europe from the West, while on another the same ax broke an alarm clock precisely repaired by a mysterious hand (probably Mazowiecki). The map of Poland, on which Gdańsk appeared in the place of Warsaw, was besides shown, and it was mocked at the usage by the camp of the opponent of walsudczykowski sentiments,” recalls prof. Dudek in his book.
Wałęsa and Mazowiecki "conciliated" Tyminski. A businessman who did business in South America, Canada and the United States. Called a man out of nowhere or a man with a briefcase (he was expected to keep receipts for Lech Walesa there), and at his fans' rallies simply “Stasiem”.
Tymiński, who, unlike many another candidates, had a somewhat larger wallet, threw any of his money at the campaign, including political marketing. But the real commercial was giving him free air time on public television, as Cimoszewicz mentioned earlier. It is adequate to mention that at the beginning of the presidential race completely unknown Tymiński recorded support of 1%, in order to increase them more than 20 times in a fewer weeks.
Tymiński eliminates Mazowiecki. He helped 1 TVP program
In 1990, it was a shock to many, due to the fact that “a man from nowhere” Stan Tymiński entered a second circular of elections, defeating among others 1 of the legends of the solidarity camp, Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki. In the second circular of Wałęsa, however, he did not give Tyminski much chances and yet he became President.
Tymiński did not have a complicated program, but he was a candidate for a circumstantial revolt. He was perfect for people who did not have love for communist power, but after a year of regulation they had had had adequate of Balcerovich's plan, rising unemployment and eternal quarrel in the "Solidarity" camp. Tymiński himself claimed in the run that the totalitarian strategy is inactive ongoing in Poland. The proof was to be, among others, a taxation strategy that "did not let Poles to earn".
— In 1990, the net in Poland practically did not exist. tv existed in the form of 1 TVP station that aired these free electoral broadcasts. Their firepower was greater than today's media combined. For a simple reason, it was 1 broadcasting center and he made Tymiński come this far. Tyminski won in voivodships where he was not at all in the course of the campaign,” says prof. Dudek.
He cites an example of the then Pilski province. “Timinski was not on the campaign, and not a single poster of Tyminski was suspended there, to my knowledge. And inactive in the first circular he won there with Wales. Why? due to the fact that there was a TVP signal there and people were watching his shows.
"Common presidential elections are not the best solution for Poland"
— Just to be clear, these shows weren't any marketing genius. Tymiński sold the message that he was the only non-partisan candidate, as we would say today, citizen. He said he knew how capitalism works due to the fact that he made millions in the West and he has a secret plan to make Poles “not white blacks of Europe”. And more than 3 million people voted for this, strengthening my conviction that the general presidential election was not the best solution for Poland. But we are dealing with this as a nation to this day, and we will proceed to torment for a long time, according to the historian.
Prof. Dudek agrees with my thesis that Tymiński was a kind of precursor to candidates of rebellion, in the kind of Andrzej Lepper or Paweł Kukiz. And with the top success. due to the fact that no 1 else managed to jump from 1 percent in 3 weeks to over 20 percent support. And Tymiński succeeded, he notes.
Historian points out as follows: “The only thing that connects those choices and current ones is populism and demagoguery. The presidential election is highly personalized. At the parliamentary elections, it can be debated that this is inactive about organization programs, about any real change. But in our system, the president only has braking rights, he has veto rights. In 1990, it was not so obvious. The presidential powers were somewhat broader, but we already had a parliamentary-office system. The president could not fulfill any of his promise without having a parliamentary majority.
