Tomasz Siemoniak defends in the WP on 20 August the candidacy of Maciej Berk to the Constitutional Court and argues that "this candidacy defends itself". 1 place is at stake after Justice Justyna Piskorski, whose word of office ends on 18 September, and the credibility of promises to depoliticize the TK by the Donald Tusk camp.
Candidate from the Prime Minister's office
Maciej Berek is not an anonymous lawyer drawn from a university seminary. He is simply a erstwhile Minister of Supervision for the implementation of government policy, Head of the Committee of the Standing Council of Ministers and a man from the very political center of the engine area Donald Tusk. so submission by Maciej Berk to TK is not an average personnel procedure. It is simply a test whether the slogan about depoliticizing the state was a regulation or just a baton utilized against predecessors.
By Parliamentary printing No 3006 Berek was appointed as a candidate for the position of justice of the Constitutional Court. The reports of this decision on 13 August were confirmed by Prime Minister Donald Tusk, saying that Berek had the powers needed to remedy the situation in the TK. In a conversation with Virtual Poland Tomasz Siemoniak follows the same lead: the candidacy is to defend itself with the expertise, environmental assessment and impartiality of the candidate.
The problem is that the state does not live by declarations alone. It besides lives the standard that power applies to itself. If a man has just been liable for government government and is about to justice the constitutionality of the laws, then the question of political distance is not the spite of the opposition. It is an simple regulation of law control.
Promises collided with practice
Camp Tuska long built his own mandate for stories about restoring independent institutions. But now we hear an argument known from all power that begins to rush: the situation is exceptional, the candidate is professional, 1 must act. That's how politics swallows standards. First, the standard is sacred. Then you make an exception to him. At the end, the exception becomes a method.
As recalls the “Rzeczpospolita”, the ruling in 2024 passed a improvement that provided for at least 4 years of grace for erstwhile members of the government and Members before entering the Constitutional Tribunal, although the bill did not enter into force after the decision of president Andrzej Duda and the subsequent ruling of the Court. This fact has political significance. It's not if Berek knows the rules. The question is whether the power recognizes its own criteria erstwhile it concerns its people.
In this sense dispute over the Constitutional Court It's not an abstract lawyer war. This is simply a dispute over whether a citizen is to have unchangeable rules or to watch each majority add an exception to the current political need. For Poles, the predictability of the law, property, economical freedom, taxes, household affairs and borders of the state's power are at stake.
The parliament will decide, but the bill will remain
Judge Justin Piskorski's word of office ends on 18 September. The Sejm will so elect a successor in the atmosphere of an acute conflict over the TK. It's not a good time for a nomination that adds fuel to the dispute. And if the majority of the government wants to convince them that they're cleaning up the state, they should start with their own camp.
The hayseed is defending Berk due to the fact that that's the government line today. Politically understandable. The state is weak. The Constitutional Tribunal cannot be the place where trusted people are transferred from the Prime Minister's office, even if they have diplomas, experience and the opinion of competent legislators.
Poland needs institutions with strong laws, not loyalty to the current majority. That's why this candidacy is resisting. Not by name. Through the way he leads from government to constitutional court.
Source: Virtual Poland, Polish Parliament, Polsat News, Republic of.
Source: WP News
