The subject of changes in Armenia's electoral strategy was dictated by their regularity and ad hocness and impact on the stableness of democracy in that country. In addition, the motivation to compose the article provided a willingness to show that the political elite in Armenia sought to break the legacy of communism at the level of solutions in electoral law.
The primary nonsubjective of the article was indication of temporal nature changes in electoral strategy Armenia. For the author, the investigation area proved to be a theoretical and applicable electoral system, shown on cassus Armenia. The investigation hypothesis contained in the proceeding was formulated as follows::
- Political elites in Armenia tried to make their own solution electoral law;
- Political elites sought to break the legacy of electoral law mouthnew in the times of the russian Republic;
- In years 90. There was no clearly defined legal framework for operation political actors in the election campaign;
- Amendments to the electoral code passed in 1999 were held regularly, in a short time before the elections and were ad hoc.
- The introduction of a proportional strategy with 1 national list will not affectCommon to form a multiparty system;
France is referred to as a strategy laboratory. Keeping all proportions and conditions, a referring to the electoral strategy – a losswhat the equivalent of France became Armenia. After Fall USSR There were permanent changes in the electoral system. It was not until 1999 that the electoral code was passed, which was revised before all parliamentary election. Legal solutions and directions of change discussed indicate a deficiency of stableness at the level legislation election and the political system, a also o an effort to cut off from the regulations developed while inactive belonging to the USSR.
From 1995 to 2017, the strategy evolved mixed to a proportionate system. W 1995 elections and 1999 more the mandates were forin the districts au majority rule, whereas selection In 2003 of the year we had a turn towards more mandates to get in districts with a proportional voting system. Finally, As a consequence of the 2015 constitutional reform, MEPs were Selected au party lists utilizing a proportional regulation from one multiple district.
Election strategy – theoretical approach
Election strategy is is a set of provisions forming part of the so-called. electoral rights governing the conduct of elections, and in peculiar the principles of the selection of their winners and the allocation of mandates. This is important, to guarantee that electoral government guarantees a level playing field for political actors by creating rules that will be respected over a long period of time and will not subject substance permanent changes. Such stableness of the electoral strategy creates real opportunities for equal competition in political space for all actors and political actors. How emphasizes Polish polytolog George Wind, past does not know a unchangeable democratic system, who would function without the existence of rival political partiesCommon. W political space all These countries, in which regular elections were held, where at least 2 camps, groups fought for votes voters were treated as democratic. Joseph Schumpeter at work “Capitalism, Socialism, democracy" widely accepted, that the border line, which separate system democratic from non-democratic It's a fact. holding competitive and cyclical elections. Watching the political reality in many states of the erstwhile russian bloc, of which in the Republic Armenia, Schumpeter's communicative seemed inconsistent with the facts..
In order for competitive and cyclical elections to be held at all, it is essential to pass the applicable rules, namely electoral ordination. W countries, where parliamentary elections are organised, there must be a clearly defined strategy of standards governing in item the right to active and passive participation in elections, process principles Selection candidates, rules for conducting an election campaign, organisation of voting, method of converting votes into mandates and checking the regularity of electoral proceedings. The full of these standards is referred to as the electoral system. Adam Przeworski believes that democracy is simply a strategy in which political parties lose election. However, election failure does not mean political ostracism. With strict rules, there is simply a anticipation of further competition. Underjoint regulation is open to all competition.
The electoral strategy should fulfil certain functions. Electoral strategy investigator Wojciech The falcon has distinguished 3 basic and universal functions.Borrows: ensuring and reflecting the form of the public opinion in Parliament, to supply adequate level of legitimacy for the ruling elites and to guarantee the ability to form a unchangeable and capable governance majority.
Attention, That there is no electoral system, which would full enable each of these functions1. Z one pagesfull reflection of views of the public may lead to political destabilisation and problems with the creation of majority governing. On the another hand, the selection of a unchangeable majority as a consequence of application rules majority may cause problems with legitimacy. Electoral systems make 1 organization overrepresented (i.e.. yieldmore seats than votes cast) and others are underrepresented (so-called. they get much smaller representation parliamentary alternatively than a scale of public support).
The way is crucial conversion votes for fines Parliament. AmongContractors have a dispute between the consensus model (proportional system), a Westministerial model (majority system)). The largest supporter of the proportional system, Dutch political scientist Arend Lijphart considers, that basic objective proportional representation strategy is distribution of seats in parliament between parties in the most proportionate manner to the votes they receive. In turn, The majority strategy is characterised by a crucial simplicity and transparency of the mechanics for aggregation of votes and allocation of mandates.
A key component of electoral government is the usage of a barrier clause. Sets the threshold of support essential for share the allocation of mandates. Eliminates these groups, which they will not scope the required percent of votes. The threshold is most common 5% of validly cast votes on a scale whole country for the committee electoral political party. Main objective is preventing unnecessary parliamentary fragmentation.
Election strategy in Armenia
Election strategy In The Republic of Armenia can be described as temporaled, since regulations were continuously modified. First oxau, Democratic and multiparty elections to Parliament of Armenia held at the turn of May and June 1990 inactive within the existing USSR. On the basis adopted 13 February 1990 "On the Election of Armenian Socialist Republic Deputies Soviet“ held election to the Council Supreme ASRR number 260 Members. Elections were carried out, as in the full USSR, in 2 stages (20 May and 3 June 1990) based on the rule of a majority electoral system. To get mandate first Turn 50% had to be received + 1 votes. If no of the candidates received specified support, a second circular took place after 2 weeks, In of The alleged comparative majority was adequate to win. Much extended list of entities entitled to submit candidates. There's been moving distant from the communist organization monopoly in the submission of candidates and granted this right besides to another groups and non-attached voters. This led to the emergence of many independent candidates?. Referring au for transitology au Consider such construction of ordination for the origin of democratisation of the system. By Polish investigator Brand Baransky is possible by the failure of legitimacy by authoritarian power and a weakening loyalty of public institutions to the regime. W 1990 in the block of russian states there was a crisis of legitimacy of communist authorities, resulting in were elections. The majority regulation was intended strengthen Communist organization candidates. The organization line was coming out of abnormal the presumption that the poorly institutionalised opposition will accomplish a satisfactory election result.
The strongest organized opposition formation was the Armenian General Movementfamily. W The first free parliamentary election received nearly 36% of the vote. W Parliament played a key role, and most of his representatives were part of the Bureau Council The highest and highest positions in the state. Leader Lewon Ter–Petrosjan became president of Parliament, to be elected president a year later Armenia. His closest associate, Wazgen Manukate He became Prime Minister. It was on their initiative that the referendum took place.independence and consequently its results, to declare the independency of Armenia in 1991.
Independence and the formation of the foundations of the state became Credit Policyrepresentatives of the Armenian National Movement, selected in the 1990 parliamentary elections in Armenia. Thus they met fundamental function in the process formation an independent Armenian state and future form his political system. The Independent Armenia was created by pre-constitutional elections, which ended with the success of the united opposition. He based his program on slogans calling for Armenia to regain independence. Thus, selection in 1990 she entered the Schumpeter concept. Democracy by. Schumpetera, It's a deal., under of taken are political decisions that give the authorities prerogatives by competing for citizens' votes. Authority in the political strategy lies in the hands of the elites, which on the authority of voters take decision political. The sovereign's votes were claimed different entities, au of two strongest, or Communists and ARO. Z ARO voter mandated independence changes. The majority regulation led to to quantitative and qualitative changes in the structures of state power.
Before election in 1995 lacked constitution and electoral code. W Therefore, rules Parliamentary elections were not known or availablefor candidates. As previously proposed, electoral government should warrant equal opportunities for political actors. Arguments a contrario of this thesis states that only in March 1995 the ultimate Council Armenia adopted the Constitutional Law of the Republic of Armenia, where regulatedonly basic election issues. Party leaders until the adoption of the Constitutional Act did not have the basic information o upcoming electoral process. It's affected. au organisational issues. Political actors faced procedural problems as de jure did not have government to plan calendar campaign and improvement of electoral strategy. Parliamentary elections were appointed for 5 July 1995. Just 4 months before electoral date established a legal framework for electoral committees.
The Constitutional Law of the Republic of Armenia of March 1995 reduced the number of Members from 260 to 190 Deputies. She's reduced her term. The ultimate Council from 5 to 4 years. The electoral strategy was based on ordination mixed. 150 Members had be selected in the majority strategy from single-mandate constituency and the remaining 40 in the proportional strategy au Party letters from Circleed electoral Armenia. The introduction of organization lists and a proportional strategy was a step towards expanding political pluralism and an effective number of political parties in Parliament, at least compared to the 1990 elections held without exceptions, by majority rule. Innovation was implementing 5% of the firewall clause.
Following the 1995 election system's change process, that elite Political Armenia sought freedom from the USSR's achievements. Such were surely the electoral regulations passed in 1990, So then, when Armenia There was inactive a russian republic. However, there was no adequate vacatio legisand the fresh electoral strategy has been implemented ad hoc and no shapethe roller of a unchangeable political system. Clearly, there was a need. forminor regulation of electoral issues in a legislative act.
Only 9 years after the first parliamentary elections to confront, i.e.. 5 A Code of Electoral Law was passed on February 1999. Adopted electoral law code outside regulation elections to Parliament also defined modeholding presidential and local elections. Armenia joined the group of states, in which the rules and procedure for holding elections have been comprehensively standardised in 1 extended normative act. The Code itself was revised in 2002, 2007 and 2011. A fresh code has been introduced June 1, 2016.
Many changes in the voting strategy and the allocation of mandates. The mixed strategy was part of Armenia's electoral tradition until the content was passedin referendum 2015. However, it was common to changes in proportion to the allocation of mandates. She's here. Evolution towards a proportionate system, according to which an expanding number of deputies were elected, until full resignation formula majority since the 2017 election. W the electoral code adopted on 5 February 1999 provides for the election of 131-member parliament in a mixed system, 80 deputies elected by majority in single-mandate districts, and 51 in formula proportionof a national single-mandate district. This divided of eyesion as controversial and after a period changed. Finally, it was accepted that 56 elected deputies will be in a proportional strategy in 1 national constituency among organization list candidates electoral 75 Members will be selected in the majority systemin single-mandate constituency. By Amendments in the year 2002, in the next year's election, 75 deputies has be selected in a proportional strategy and 56 in a majority system. New RuleMay 2007 in the year, they increased the number of mandates to be obtained in proportional elections in 1 multi-country territory to 90. This reduced the number of mandates to be obtained in the majority strategy to 41. W Therefore, more than 68% of mandates were placed in a proportional system. The majority districts were denied by the opposition, which alleged that selection In JOW-s make the highest number of irregularities1. Main changes to thethe Constitution of Armenia of 2015. The 2017 parliamentary election of the National Assembly consisted of 101 Members. All Members were elected au Party lists utilizing the rule proportional to one multiple district. The opposition claims were so approved. Author of the proceeding ,Body Transformation in Armeii from 1991 to 2016“ Krzysztof Fedorovich rightly anticipated negative Impact of the transition to a proportionate system:
There will be a crucial stubbornness of political life and further marginalisation of civilian initiatives, ad hoc occurrences, au the another organization to further marginalisation of the opposition16.
Parliamentary elections on April 2, 2017 led to the consolidation of the political scene in Armenia. Number of groups represented in parliament decreased by half (to four), and the ruling Republican organization of Armenia (HHK) obtained a consequence allowing the government to form itself. HHK's triumph at the same time marked the concreteization of the existing oligarchy-po systemLytic. The proportionality of the elections for Armenia has not led to to identify a typical parliamentary composition and to limit the disparity effect. After the 2017 elections did not form a multi-party strategy either, as only 4 groups participated in the division of seats.
About o passive and active electoral law, Whereas, by virtue of the 1999 Code, it was granted to persons possessing Armenian citizenship, if at the latest on election day have completed 18 years. This right was besides exercised by persons with Armenian citizenship and who resided abroad. There were no incapacitated persons in the election law, sentenced by a court judgement or sentenced to imprisonment. Passive electoral law had people who had completed 25 years and had Armenian citizenship for at least 5 years. You should mention the incompatibility principle, which prohibits a associate from holding another State position, or performed another function payable, except technological activities, diddacetactual or creative18. Code passed 1 June 2016 reduced active electoral law of citizens of Armenia who are not registered in the territory Republic. You gotta registry to take part in the election.in the Election registry of the Republic Armenia, which only includes youa full of citizens residing in the municipality in Armenia. To transformations occurred in the institution of passive electoral law, Which 1 of your own range began to include mainly individuals, who are only associated with Armenia, place of stay or language. Passive right to persons, which CompleteCommon 25 years of age and at least four years shall have the nationality of Armenia, and at that time no have any another nationality and at least Four years of constant residence in Armenia. In addition,such persons must speak Armenian.
Trying to find solid element in the electoral strategy in Armenia after 1990 should be indicated at 5% clause a barrage for election committees. Over time, a 7% electoral threshold was introduced for electoral coalitions.
Elections in Armenia shall be carried out In free day, usually ina bot to warrant a advanced election turnout. Voters cast their votes at the office of the regional electoral commissions, which are created for at least 3 1000 voters. Because in the 1995-2012 election There was a mixed electoral system, each voter had twoHe's got voices.. 1 vote for political organization list in circle multiple and second candidate applying for a mandate in circle single-mandate. Both votes no were related. W the single-mandate districts were awarded a mandate by the candidate, where more votes were cast than the counter-candidate. It was so mandatory principle relative majority. W allocation of mandates in proportion methods only those committees of political parties participated in the counting of votes, on which at least 5% of validly cast votes across the country were given, a 7% for election coalitions.
An interesting noveum in election law was the bail that the candidates and election committees paid. erstwhile the vote took place in the majority formula, That's erstwhile the bail was returned to that candidate., received a least 5% of valid votes cast in the district. It turns out that in this convention there was a substitute for the Westminster system, like the UK solutions., For in the United Kingdom there is simply a akin taskda. presently to recover bail sufficient for the committee to get at least one mandate.
The fresh electoral code has introduced any innovative procedures:
- principle of separation by parties and blocks of 4 mandates for representatives four the largest national minorities of Armenia according to the results of the last national census.
- when one lot gets more than 2/3 of the mandates in Parliament, the another parties shall be given additional mandates to aggregate hold not little than 1/3 mandates in the National Assembly.
- regulates the question of the creation of a coalition government. Partieswhich have obtained the highest number of mandates can form a government coalition. Can't fold of more than 3 lots.
If the resulting coalition shall have a majority of mandates no more than 54%, it receives additional mandates until achievements advantage fines above 54%. If there is no government coalition, the Central Election Commission announces second circular of elections (28 days after the first round), in of two lots/blocks, who received the highest number of votes.
Completion
The collapse of the USSR into alleged post-miss states caused multi-step and stretched in process time systemic transformation. Former russian republics since the beginning of their global operation, as independent states, They faced the request for extremist reforms Political, social and economic. Committed transformation process of the russian area However, it was more complex and more complicated than inthe failure of the countries of South Europe and America Latin. electoral systems of these countries have besides evolved.
Purpose of the article was an indication of the process changes in the electoral strategy of the Republic of Armenia after the collapse USSR. W the theoretical first was presented Photo electoral strategy and democratic processes. Not without cause of thesis o the importance of the result of the 1990 parliamentary elections, even erstwhile Armenia administratively belonged to USSR. The analysis proved, that the majority voting was carried out revealed be a mistake for the organization Communist, which she assumed That's due to the fact that I'm weak.au the organisational opposition will not be able to get more mandates. There was a departure from the communist organization monopoly in the submission of candidates and this right was granted besides to another groups and non-attached electionscom. It has led to the emergence of many independent candidates.
The hypothesis of attempts to break the heritage of communism on electoral law proved true. Political elites tried to make fresh legal and election solutions, introducing a mixed system. Relationshipwo late, because in 1999 the electoral code was implemented, which set out the legal framework for political actors and actors. Conducted analysis confirmed the thesis on the pernamality of changes in the electoral system.
Before each parliamentary election was amended by the electoral code. Evolution afraid before all parliamentarians, term The National Assembly and the voting strategy were determined to have occurred au reorientation, au mixed strategy with majority voting system, by more mandates to be won in the proportional district, until the complete breakup au Mixed government and introduction one constituency with proportional method calculation of votes. Armenia followed the planet trend, i.e.. towards a proportional voting system, but with 1 national electoral list. The legislators have not decided au so by territory by region, where the number of mandates for the committees in question is determined by the various historical circumstances, Economic, cultural or religious, which reflect differences in support. Many the changes were ad hoc and ad hoc.
The article was originally published in the quarterly “Think Sovereign. Review of Public Affairs’ No 1(11)/2023.
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