between Sarmatism and Slavicism
When asked by Prof. Oleg A. Płatonov, manager of the Institute of Russian Civilization and editor of the weekly “Russian peasant” (Russian courier), I wrote a text for the intent of the peculiar issue of this weekly magazine, dedicated to the historical and contemporary problems of Slavonics. Below the text of my article, published August 11, 2025.
http://www.rv.ru/content.php3?id=15503
Poland lost its statehood for 123 years from the end of the 18th century until the end of planet War I in 1918. The failure of the state was a process which followed gradually in 1772, 1793 and 1795 as a consequence of both the hostile military policies and actions of Austria, Prussia and Russia, as well as the collapse of the state thought and of a kind of carelessness and dominance of the interests of private Polish magnatery, as well as the negative function of the hierarchs of the Catholic Church in Poland, who represented the supranational interest of the Vatican more than the native interest of the Polish state-then of the Republic.
These interior causes were far more devastating for the Republic and as a consequence deadly than the effects of the policies of the 3 mentioned European powers. At the same time, the power of Prussia was mostly built as a consequence of the fall of the Republic, as well as the fall of Napoleonic France and the final triumph of Prussia in the war against France in 1870, followed by the unification of Germany and proclamation of the German Empire in 1871.
The fact that Russia was 1 of the 3 divisive powers - despite any attempts to normalize Polish-Russian relations during the reign of Tsar Alexander I, but undermined by the outside inspired by the November 1830-1831 uprising - caused a kind of intellectual trauma in the consciousness of Polish political circles and among the noble layer, which is the basis for reluctant or even hostile attitudes towards Russia.
Under these conditions, Slavic cultural proximity and common civilizational roots were pushed to the background of coexistence between societies and both states. The competition between Catholic and Orthodox churches and the power of political centres behind it (the importance of the papal centre and the Vatican in Catholicism was much stronger than the influence of Orthodox hierarchs on state policy) was an additional origin disrupting the search for Slavic identity and the agreement between Poles and Russians.
It is worth noting that the planet of Russian culture and Russian civilization was not uniform either, due to the fact that Kiev and Rus Kiev – much earlier and closer relations with the West, including Lechistan, the Kingdom of Poland and then the Republic of Poland, – they competed for centuries (Kiyów and Rus Kiev) with the principalities of northeastern Russia and then with the Moscow State. Russia has been for centuries, as well as is to date, torn between Slavic-European identity and Greater Asian-Russian identity.
These historically, civilizationally and religiously complex Polish-Russian (Russian) relations were carefully observed and played by 3rd forces, both European (Watykan, Austria, England, states and knightly orders German, secret Masonic associations, judaic diaspora, and modern times by the United States AP and suprastate, global political and financial-economic organizations).
As a consequence of planet War I, a fresh European and planet order was created, in which initially the United Kingdom played its crucial imperial role, which was won in the 19th century, but at the same time it was a time erstwhile the United States began to play a decisive function - supported by planet judaic capital.
Poland regained its independency in 1918 thanks to a favourable agreement of global forces and interests, but besides thanks to the determination, large political imagination and efficient diplomacy of global national-democratic communities, led by Roman Dmowski, co-founder of the National Democracy, chief architect of the then-politics and the main negotiator of the Polish delegation at the Paris conference in 1919 completed by the signing of the Treaty of Versailles. R. Dmowski together with I. Paderewski were besides the main interlocutors- late summer, early autumn 1918 – American political circles, including influential representatives of the legislature of American Jews and the Federation of American Zionists, the Committee of American Jews, including Samuel Wise, Louis Marshall, Louis Dembitz Brandeis (*) – in “Politics and State Reconstruction”, Warsaw 1988, pp.93-94; p.97.
Zionist judaic communities were opposed to the uprising after the 1st WW of a strong independent Poland within the boundaries of the Piastowska Poland, with access to the Baltic Sea. These plans were seconded by the British-clearly pro-German politics.
British and Zionist policies besides opposed normalization of relations with Russia and the possible of the formation of a block of Slavic countries. This was expressed as an obstacle to the politics of the National Democracy (which saw the anticipation of partnership with both russian Russia and the USSR) and the support for Joseph Piłsudski's brawl policy, including the confrontational and brawl east politics towards russian Russia and then the USSR.
Józef Piłsudski's sanctioning environment (supported by masonry and having protectors in Anglo-Zionist politics) not only carried out a political coup in May 1926, but besides pushed the concept of the politics of the Inter-Mediterranean and attempts to isolate the USSR from Western Europe. Another anti-Slavic feature of this policy was the aficionado of relations with Czechoslovakia, with which, in the early 1920s, national-human governments, despite the crisis of the late 1919/1920s, were ready to enter into a political-military alliance against the threat of Germany (**). The concepts of the Pilsudczyk-sanctioned concept corresponded to the centuries-old strategical objectives of British politics, as well as favoured the goals of Ukrainian national-chauvinist environments. The second were besides infiltrated by German communities, which remained in close contact with the British elite.
The course and result of planet War II revealed not only the falseness and bankruptcy of the policy of the sanatorium environments, but besides complicated Polish-Russian relations. Sikorski-Majski's arrangement was broken as a consequence of the disclosure, or possibly the provocation of the Katyn crime. The Polish army under General Anders, formed from Poles residing in the USSR (both from erstwhile emigrations, as well as from prisoners of war and Poles forcedly displaced from areas occupied by the USSR after 17 September 1939) left the USSR and was directed by Iran, to the mediate East, and then constituted the main part of the alleged Polish Armed Forces in the West.
Anders' Army besides included a large number of Jews who in the close future constituted the political elite and commanding staff of the armed forces formed in 1948. Israel (just mention the father of the founder of Israel Menachem Begin, Polish Mieczysław Rygun, later Prime Minister of Israel and Nobel Peace Prize winner, see: https://warhist.pl/article/menachem-begin-z-armii-andersa-do-walki-o-state-Israel/ !!!).
Hagana, Irgun, Lechi – the average Polish and Russian names most likely say little. Meanwhile, the judaic paramilitary organizations fighting for Israel’s independency were greatly influenced by soldiers from the Anders Army. Deserters whose Polish command did not intend to search besides intensively (see: “Jews from Anders
https://www.polska-gunna.pl/Mobile/ArticleShow/33219; also: Sylwester Strzyżewski, “Deserts of Jews from the Army of Anders in the light of papers of the Polish Institute and the Museum of Władysław Sikorski in London”, WSOWL discipline Sheet No. 3 (165) 2012)
Unfortunately, in the later period of the Second WW, the policy of the then political leadership of the USSR placed among the recently formed Kościuszkowski Division and then the 1st Army of the Polish Army and the political leadership of the Polish emigration of many erstwhile Polish citizens of judaic origin. From among these backgrounds, at the end of the Second planet War and after it ended, the Polish militia, the safety Office and the Polish Army were recruited. Many soldiers of the Polish underground and Polish patriots were victims of the activities of these communities. The fact that the oppressors were in Poland liberated by the Red Army, but arrived from the USSR was played cynically and effectively by propaganda and Anglo-Saxon politics, which just after the end of the Second WW initially predicted the continuation of the war, this time against the USSR.
"Operation Unthinkable" Operation Unthinkable "), was a secret British plan to attack the USSR, developed in the second half of April 1945 at the command of Prime Minister Winston Churchill. The main nonsubjective of the operation was to “bring Central Europe out of Russian occupation”, and especially to guarantee “fair governance for Poland”. "Operation Unthinkable" plans mention an attack on Russia, not on the USSR (although officially no specified country as Russia existed). The date of the attack was set on July 1, 1945. The United States was besides to participate in the mission to free Central Europe (the study indicated that there is simply a anticipation that Russia would join the war on Japan's side against the US). Most offensive operations were to be carried out by American and British forces, as well as Polish armed forces and up to 100,000 German soldiers of the erstwhile Wehrmacht. However, in fact, the chiefs of staff considered the offensive against the USSR, which aimed to liberate Poland, to be unrealistic (mainly due to the majority of russian forces in Europe). On May 22, 1945, British Command stated that the operation is "highly risky". In response, Winston Churchill sent a message on June 10, 1945 to prepare a plan for Russia's aggression into the British Isles.
The full number was – as already mentioned in the July 8, 1945 study – of 103 divisions: 64 American, 35 British, and 4 Polish. Only 23 armored divisions were to be included. It was estimated that the assembled troops would face 170 Red Army divisions, including 30 armored ones. However, in view of russian mobilization capabilities, the full number of divisions of this country grew up to 264! There was another catch. What if the Americans had withdrawn from Europe?
Of course, a numerical advantage of the Red Army would be crushing. It was comforted that the level of discipline and morale in russian units were alternatively low, but the fatigue of fighting Germany – high. The technological level of the USSR forces was besides lower. Besides, the Soviets were little trained. But these numbers... In total, the russian Union itself was estimated to have as many as 6 million soldiers in Europe as needed. There were besides any 600,000 members of the NKVD.
Following the rejection of Churchill's British plan, as we know, the main strategical and operational force was American services and American sovietological centers. In the US, the implementation of the long-term plan of the Information and intellectual War against the USSR was prepared and started utilizing dissidents and the V column in socialist countries, mainly in Poland. Due to the complicated past of Polish-Russian relations, Poland was considered the weakest link in the block of countries of popular democracy, in which best results can be expected from the point of view of the objectives of dismantling the Warsaw Pact and the RPPG. The first phase was the plan to usage Joseph Stalin's death to destabilise decision-making centres in the USSR.
Polish policy after the end of II WŚ was definitely anti-German and even more anti-German. This translated into continued archaeological-historical studies documenting the Slavic heritage of Poland, both ethnic-cultural and political-systemic. Many universities have produced faculties or cathedrals of Slavic research.
Research centres specialising in this Polish-German problem were besides established. The Western Institute (***) was established in Poznań.
It should be noted that the search for Slavic roots in worldview, culture, morals, as well as the past of statehood and Community forms of social life had and has serious opponents in the structures and hierarchy of churches - both Catholic and Orthodox. This resistance, and even the fight against Slavic heritage, is much stronger in the Catholic Church. The Slavic past, as pre-Christian, is considered a pagan and dark period of lower rank, not only spiritual but besides ethical-moral, as a period of "unholy."
During the post-revolution period of Russia, and then the USSR, and in the times of alleged populist democracy, with time called the period of real socialism in Poland – the view of “ungodliness” and “dark period of paganism” was disseminated and accepted. In Poland, in Catholic environments, the communist authorities of russian Russia and the USSR were interpreted and defined in turn as “unholy” and even Satanist, and the Orthodox church was portrayed as a threatening schism intended to destruct Christianity by Asian and Mongolian influences – both spiritually and in a state-building sense.
In turn, the Russian Orthodox Church saw in Catholicism apostasy from the teaching of Christ and the principles of functioning of Christian communities consistent with the original, Christian, canon of religion and the resulting theology, and on it shaped eschatology and anthropology. Apostasy from these first theological and anthropological principles is based on Orthodox criticism of Catholicism not only in a purely spiritual and spiritual layer, but besides in a social and stately layer.
Thus, the division of Christianity into Catholicism and Orthodoxy marked the division of civilizations derived from its first roots from the pre-Christian Slavic world. Consequently, the Slavic planet was divided. Then – most frequently as a consequence of a circumstantial dynastic policy or another reasons arising from circumstantial political interests and the objectives of the exercise of power – this division was perpetuated or deepened. This was all the more devastating to the planet of Slavic civilization, the more aggressive or more calculating the external policy created by decision-making centres aimed at the conquest and colonial dependence of Slavic countries, which was utilized to antagonize relations within peoples or Slavic communities.
In our modern times, akin mechanisms were utilized by historical direct invaders – specified as Nazi Germans and more sophisticated colonists, specified as Anglo-Saxon states cooperating with the world's financial oligarchy with judaic roots.
On the basis of the erstwhile spiritual and cultural divisions and prejudices and the experiences of the Second WŚ – centres of Western propaganda and information war have since the early 1960s started building dissident environments in Poland, called grotesque “anti-communist”, even though their governing layers were derived from the second generation of judaic communists who, together with the Red Army, came to Poland after July 1944. Mainly based on dissident staff with judaic roots, the environment of the alleged "democratic opposition" was built between 1970 and 1980. According to this scheme, the leadership of the NRA (Workers' Defence Committee) with specified judaic leaders as Jacek Kuroń, Adam Michnik, Seweryn Blumsztajn, Antoni Macierewicz and others was created. The second wing of dissident environments was the alleged Catholic Intelligence Clubs and a number of another Catholic associations and groups around the editorials of Catholic newspapers and book publications (PAX, Tygodnik Powszechny, Znak, Więz and others), in which judaic influences were equally strong, especially among the management staff, that I would mention Jerzy Turowicz, Henryk Wujec, and above all the first Prime Minister of the alleged "solidarity government" of Tadeusz Mazowiecki. During the time of his office, the name of the country from the Polish People's Republic was changed to the Republic of Poland.
On December 29, 1989, a crucial change of the constitution was made, whereby, among others, the preamble was removed, the content of chapters on the political and economical strategy was rewritten, the position of trade unions was strengthened and a uniform concept of ownership was introduced. These changes made it possible to carry out an economical transformation. The improvement package of the government, from the name of the main creator defined by Balcerowicz's plan, allowed for the stopping of hyperinflation, restructuring of the economy, introduction of marketplace mechanisms and privatisation.
All these processes were conducted under the political curate of Anglo-Jewish centres, according to the assumptions of the Washington Consensus.
A favourable social climate for the implementation of political and economical assumptions created a choice in the papal throne in 1978. A Pole, Karol Wojtyła, who took the name of John Paul II. present we already know that the Pope's "election" process was closely agreed with Washington and with the globalistic financial oligarchy of judaic roots. A large part of the Polish society has been convinced by the almost sacral, Messianic function of creating a "new spiritual and political order" in Europe, and especially in east Europe. The Catholic Church in Poland one more time played an crucial function in the “East Crusade” by the Vatican.
We should besides mention another crucial event, or alternatively a series of events under the sign of "Solidarity" ("S"). The trade union of NSZZ ‘Solidarity’ formed in 1980 has actually evolved into a political social movement. This was confirmed by the 1st National gathering of Delegates of NSZZ Solidarity (IKZD), which was held in 2 rounds: 5-10 IX and 26 IX – 7 X 1981 in Gdańsk (Hala Olivia), completed the process of selecting the authorities "S".
896 delegates from 38 Regions were elected to the I KZD, according to a regulation of 1 delegate per 10,000 members. Most delegates were represented by the Śląsko-Dąbrowski Region (106), Mazowsze (92), Lower Silesia (91), the least Kędzierzyn-Koźle, Kutnów Region and Chełm (after 3), Nysa and Tarnobrzeń Federation (2). The delegates included over 100 members of the PZPR, a twelve from SD and respective from the ZSL. Males (only about 60 women), young people (the largest group were delegates who were under the age of 35), more than half declared higher education, although more than 50% of delegates were workers; there were besides respective directors and vice principals of workplaces.
In the course of the meeting, the difference between part of the management of the ‘S’ and advisers and local level activists seeking to take an uncompromising attitude towards the PRL authorities was apparent. This found, among another things, an expression in the request to remove from the annex to the "S" statute the provision on the guiding function of the PZPR, this proposal was yet not accepted. Another manifestation of disagreements was the conflict about the rejection of the government's draft employment Self-government Act. However, the most loud of them was the issue of thanks to the NRA, which announced the end of its activities during the Congress.
One of the most crucial papers adopted by the ICC included "Sent to people working in east Europe" (the loudest of the adopted documents, the subject of sharp attacks from PRL propaganda). During the first KZD a fresh definition of the Union was besides formulated: as a social movement whose aim is to gradually change the political and economical strategy of the state. The programme of the Local Government of the Republic (part of the 6th Programme Resolution) provided for the creation of Poland based on respect for the rights of the individual, pluralism and democratic principles of social life and limiting the availability of state structures towards the ruling country of the party.
The 1st KZD gathering echoed in socialist countries, especially the ZSRS: the “spontaneous” rallies on which the “Sent...”, “Truth” (the KC KPZS body) of 11 September 1981 described the I KZD as “an antisocialist and anti-Soviet orgy”.
I KZD was a platform for clashing 2 political-ideo orientations: patriotic-national and Trotsky-post-communist. This last trend prevailed. It was besides an anti-Russian and anti-Slavic orientation, which was patronized by Anglo-Zionist communities.
The Republic of Poland, in its systemic form and in its political and economical direction after 1989, entered into the framework, as already mentioned, the implementation of the provisions of the Washington Consensus. The consequence was the exit from both economical cooperation within the RPG and from military cooperation and political alliance within the Warsaw Pact. global conditions for this were created by effective force on Moscow by Washington and the initiated policy of Pierestroika in the USSR and the de facto pro-capitalist return of political and economical Russia in 1990 and the continuation of this in the 21st century.
On the political altar, the draft of an agreement of Slavic countries was offered, which thanks to the consistent force of the West and interior influence agents, the alleged V column, torpedoed and so-far prevented the creation of a modern improvement task of Slavic nations – an area inhabited for centuries between the Roman Empire and far east China.
Paweł Earthski
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See article in Russian: ДРЕЙФ ТЯЖЕЛЫЙ
