Robert Krasowski: Key to Kaczyński

Robert Krasowski's 2024 book describes Jarosław Kaczyński's career to this day. Who thinks Kaczyński knows everything, will read the book with increasing surprise. He'll see a different character than he's known before. Otherwise, he will look at the full Polish policy.

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Chapter V
The question of intelligence

Kaczyński spent his full life tracking the flaws of intelligence, rightly sensing that there were problems of Polish politics. But he couldn't describe them properly, he was a fragment of a group he diagnosed, he couldn't look down on her, he couldn't get out of her concepts, he couldn't get out of her emotions. He felt that she was making cardinal mistakes, but he could not express it.

He pushed in the right direction, his basic belief that intelligence had a dominant function in Polish politics, was right.

Like the belief that the disadvantages of the dominant class became flaws of the full policy.

The closest goal was in the 2001 book, erstwhile he looked without anger at the conditions that shaped the imagination of the Polish elite. Raised in an abnormal planet after 1944, she did not know normality. She knew what she was moving from, she didn't know what to do. She focused on tiny steps, on tiny reforms, on tiny loosenings, on tiny liberalisations.

In that world, the substitutes of freedom had a taste of freedom. It is no wonder that after 1989, in many cases, normality was confused with normality.

Polish elites had no deeper cognition of how democracy truly works, how the economy works, how the state works. Kaczyński had no cognition either, so 1 exaggeration replaced the other, to minimalism he responded with maximism. But his intuition was correct. The intelligence of transformation problems saw in large social groups, like workers or peasants, while she herself was the biggest obstacle. And its transformation to modernity proved to be the most painful process.

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Why did Kaczyński sense the problem and not solve it well? due to the fact that he carried most of the limitations of his layer, was a fragment of the planet he criticized, and it was his most toxic fragment. Let us bow to the social situation of the environment from which Kaczyński, Michnik, the full then generation, grew. Intelligence leaders lived only in large cities, practically in two: Warsaw and Krakow. They had a humanistic education and lived from the humanistic profession; they maintained from their work in editorials, from university jobs, and from writing books. They never had any wealth, so they were completely not curious in economical life. They did not have extended social contacts, their families were homogenous, as long as the intellectuals from another parts of Poland frequently had parents from the countryside or from a tiny town or from another social group,

Leaders of opinion of that era came into the planet in the intelligent enclaves. Their parents, spouses, children, friends formed a closed planet of intelligent families. They knew nothing about how another social strata lived.

Young NRAs told that erstwhile they arrived in Radom in 1976 to aid persecuted workers, they were amazed at the conditions of their lives. respective people in 1 room, no toilets – the recently discovered realities caused amazement. Intelligence had no thought what life outside Warsaw looked like. Let's look at Kaczyński and Michnik's social profiles, both strikingly similar, multigenerational intelligent family.

After 1989, the leaders of the intelligent opinion continued to observe the reality of 2 social isolations – from editorial offices and universities. They sometimes looked out the window, but the problems of society cannot be known this way. Let's look at their discussions at the time, the most crucial events were for the intelligent Wałęsa shouting at Turowicz, Mazowieckie putting a thick line and Olszewski conducting a mirroring.

At that time millions of workers lost their jobs, workers of the old PGRs became poor, died full social classes, but were besides born new.

Let's look at the intelligent newspapers of the time, which is the windows through which intelligence watches the world. The social earthquake passed almost without echo, intelligence was curious in another matters. The most commonly utilized words were “reforms”, “tolerance”, “plurism”, “authoritarianism”, “darkyard”, “illustration”, “order”, “decommunisation”, “truth”, “forgive”. Intelligence lived its own life.

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She wanted to be helpful, took on the burden of pushing reforms forward. They were encouraged by society, forced by politicians. In this case, she was ambitious, the problem was that she was incompetent.

In the 1990s, intelligent authorities supported all reforms, and the good ones, and the bad ones. due to the fact that it never occurred to them that there might be bad reforms.

They reacted to the very sound of the word. For example, due to intelligence, the dictatorship of economists, a profession based not on Western economical practices, but on Western textbooks, continued in Poland for over a decade. For a decade, holiness was wisdom about a low deficit or a central bank that only cares about inflation, not development. The worse the economy was, the more the state had to save. The next prime ministers felt that it all made no sense, tried to rip off the fork, as Miller utilized to pull it hard, but there was no force. The elite beat them like a drum, that it was etatism, populism. In 2004, we entered the Union, looked around, it turned out that everyone was doing differently there. The French or the English, the worse, the more they flood the marketplace with money. Polish economists said that it is impossible to aid Polish companies, that although weak, they gotta cope, that there is no better regulation than the market, and that capital has no nationality.

In the next decade, we saw that in the West, power is going the another way around, and the state powerfully supports national companies. It supports the marketplace erstwhile it favours their companies, restricts it erstwhile it does not favour them.

It took almost 20 years for Tusk to first, then Kaczyński to remove the dormitories from power forever. Liberal media, the main pillar of lunar economics, until the end defended professorial wisdom. Their last charge was protesting the introduction of 500 plus. They proved that the budget couldn't afford public finances to collapse.

The same was actual of the justice system. Intelligent opinion leaders argued that the regulation of law was acting flawlessly. erstwhile they saw the toga, they reacted like people erstwhile they saw the procession, they fell on their knees.

They believed that if there was law and there were lawyers, there was law. likewise with abroad policy, they announced that national interests in the Union had disappeared, that all countries had 1 and the same. The pity of errors was much longer, but the overall conclusion is more important. Intelligent leaders dominated public opinion not due to the fact that they had something wise to say, but due to the fact that they liked the function of leaders.

The top prejudices appeared on the wings of the intelligent group. On the left led by Michnik, and on the right wing led by Kaczyński. There was the least real Poland, with its interests, needs, problems. Michnik at least consciously sailed towards the clouds, towards the narcissistic mission of national reconciliation, to the function of a prophet of higher morality. Kaczyński, on the another hand, felt realistic, considered it his mission to bring Polish politics to the ground, to the hard foundations of social and economical realities. But his realism was an artificial pose, his diagnosis dominated the “order”, “agents”, “red web”, or utmost abstract concepts.

Kaczyński was not a drug either on Michnik or on the naivety of the liberal center, he was a product of frustration and suspicion in which right-wing intelligence fell.

Kaczyński tripped on the description of the nature of the evil influence of intelligence on politics, due to the fact that he himself was an utmost manifestation of this influence. Michnik's apocalyptic description of politics reacted with an equally apocalyptic description of the arrangement, causing both poles of the intelligent debate to dominate the foolish conflict for 30 years. On 1 wing were the crazy ideas of Michnik, on the another crazy ideas of Kaczyński, in the mediate of naive incompetence.

Kaczyński pointed out the mistakes of intelligence, but as her general diagnosticist was unbelievable. Already in the 1990s, he embodyed the worst flaws of intelligence, that is, the unforgivable feature of intelligent madness, which was symbolized by Kaczyński and Michnik in that generation. At each phase of the past of the 3rd Polish Kaczyński collided with the absurd views of the rival. That you can't take distant power and property from a defeated communist organization due to the fact that it's political vengeance and a blood cry. In fact, it's hard to think of anything equally ridiculous. Then he said Poland was on the brink of civilian war. Then he's 1 step distant from the dictatorship.

But in consequence to these absurdities Kaczyński said things even more ridiculous: that Poland is not Polish, that democracy is not a democracy, that sovereignty is not sovereignty.

There hasn't been a year to keep track of more agents, more plots, more deals. And his right-wing intelligence did.

Robert Krasowski, Key to Kaczyński, Red and Black Wyd., 2024