The essence of PAX's ideology and organizational practice was the concept of tri-involvement: Catholic, patriotic and socialist. To this day, both supporters and critics of the Association cannot truly find to what degree Bolesław Piasecki himself was responding to this model.
His enemies like to see an agent, and at best cynic, career and opportunist, and even a coward who saves his life by denying his own life communicative and views. In turn, contemporary fans, in particular, exhibit the pragmatism of elections made by BP in People's Poland, the necessity to function in specified a Polish reality as Piasecki's group had to face since 1944. Of course, this approach exposes the patriotic attitude of the PAX group and its leader, with much more controversial issues of religion (in any case from the point of view of Catholic traditionalists), while the answer to the question remains at least equally important, namely: Was Bolesław Piasecki a socialist?
Significant gap in studies
This is an crucial issue not only to establish the sincerity of Piasecki's public declarations, which is more even to verify the continuity of his beliefs. The link between the successive phases of BP activity has been successfully investigated Andrzej Jaszczuk[and]similar considerations are besides an crucial part of the survey Jan Engelgard[ii]. However, both of these authors focused peculiarly on ideological and tactical issues, convincingly proving the awesome consequence of chief Falanga, Commandant of the Universalist Confederation of the Nation, leader of the "unnamed movement" and president of PAX primarily as patriots and realists. There is besides a spiritual attitude in the secular Catholic movement as well as in Piasecki's works, although it is most frequently analysed in the broader context of the penetration of Catholic modernism into Poland.[iii]. So, if we were to summon the spirit of BP from the afterlife and give it the same analysis that he utilized to give to members of his organizations (e.g. Romualda Sheremietieva[iv]), i.e. to answer questions about the compatibility of his views with the three-way strategy – wouldn't we deficiency an in-depth analysis of Piasecki's position on economical matters? Yet it was very expressive and invariably (especially in Polish) original. Of course, this short paper will besides not fill the gap that the author believes exists in the work on BP, but it may propose a fewer thoughts for further research.
Decision-making – Polish national economical policy
I don't think there's any question. the unequivocally negative attitude of Bolesław Piasecki to capitalism and liberal ideology. Whether we trust the apocryphal relationship, that according to BP the better name for the united ONR should be the National-Communist Camp – it is adequate to read the Falangist camp National-radical economical thought guidelinesj[v]to see in them the same spirit as in the postwar economical demands of PAX. Well, how would he put it maliciously? Stefan Kisielewski – this would be the Holy Spirit liable for inventing socialism[vi]...
However, Falanga was not only distinguished from another national inter-war organizations by its clear etatism (because different variants of it were advocated both in the writings of the young SN and in a alternatively peculiar form in the closer distributionism of the ONR-ABC ellipse considerations). The Falangists, however, did not only force the economical commitment of the state, but simply a kind of totalizm ("decisionism") of economic, based on real nationalization of ownership. It was the departure from the liberal private property fetish that was the link to the future acceptance of the socialist economy by BP and its people. If we add to this highly different than in ABC industrialism, under conditions II of the Republic of Poland most likely only by Jan Stachniukand to any degree besides the First economical Brigade Stefan Starzyński and pioneers of economical planning from the National Economy Club[vii] (and... communists fascinated by the achievements of Stalin's industrial policy), it turns out that Piasecki's vision, formed before the war to meet the national needs of Poland, after 1945 gained only a dimension of the real programme[viii].
Postwar Continuity
Piasecki did not gotta undergo any evolution or change his views to date erstwhile in May 1945 he presented to the authorities his attitude to the fresh social order in Poland.[ix]. The social revolution and the working-boy state, which he explicitly supported, are taken from National-radical guidelines... due to the fact that it is besides boring to say that this radicalism of ONR, and especially RNR, did not mean any extremes, as it most likely seems to superficial followers of the same forms of 1930s. Nothing like that. Radicalism in the sense of then was the word of the non-Marxist Social Left and in this sense he found himself in the names of the environments that want to break with liberalism and depart from capitalism. Thus changing the description to a more congruent historical phase – Piasecki did not violate the doctrine of his movement, implementing it consistently under conditions of real socialism. The Catholic socialism of Piasecki is only another aspect of phalangist economical decision-making.
I dare say that it was this sincere alignment of Piasecki's views with a crucial part of the social and economical intentions of Polish communists that decided to set up a place for BP on the political phase of the Polish People's Republic. No imagination of the large anti-ecclesiastical action, it's expected to be before the general Ivan Sierow by ‘genial Malchika” but it’s a diagnosis in Piasecki that is authentic. poputchika (accompanying roads) by Władysław Gomulka – this was a fork that led chief Falangi to the Council of the State of the People's Republic, not to a cell in Mokotów, or possibly a pit with lime. Both leading Polish politicians of the second half of the 20th century met halfway – Piasecki adopting socialist optics as a nationalist and Catholic, and Gomulka defending the patriotic concept of Polish road to socialism as undoubtedly active Marxist.
Wiesław, as we know, saved Piasecki twice – in 1945 and after 1956, which confirms that he considered his first decision to be right from a perspective. This situation did not change the fact that the leader of the PAX was, as with a snack at times, and sometimes with admiration, the first and leading capitalist of the communist camp. However, did the Society for global Trade INCO, followed by the INCO economical Teams, have the characteristics of capitalist enterprises, or was this view simply a compliment to others, critical of the socialist productivity of labour, and the study according to those whose bones in the throat were the financial successes of the Piasecki Group? Or is it closer to the truth, though, to see the economical empire of PAX as an illustration of the effectiveness of decision-making, the ground of Catholic socialism in a very limited scale? possibly the success of “Ludwik”, “Buwi”, “Celia” and “Florovitu” fertilizers is just a foretaste of how effective the BP squad could have been if it was allowed to address economical policy in the state dimension?
International activity
Piasecki himself had no uncertainty in this respect, believing in the creative power and efficiency of his imagination of management and management. In his vision, as confirmed with horror by even fierce critics, moving distant from Marxist monoideism while maintaining the principles of socialism would let global expansion of specified a program[x]. Piasecki besides watched closely in this respect the experience of decolonization, the proposals of national ways to socialism made by the fresh African states, and these thesis sought to bring readers of the PAX press closer, especially in connection with the influence of this environment in the National Peace Committee and its global activity[xi]. Piasecki was keenly curious in strengthening the Christian-social option in the West, especially in France and Austria. Thus, while this was yet the consequence of the alleged fronda, the group “Britain” was peculiarly attached to the spiritual aspects of Catholic personalism, it was “Today and Tomorrow” and in any ways the environment of the future Secession (then organized into the Christian Social Association) that were recognized as “its” by specified a twelve Christian lefts as Emmanuel Mounier, Jacques Maritain, André Mandouze and Fr. Jean Boulier[xii]. These names may give emergence to horror among Catholic traditionalists – but let us repeat: the basis of the agreement was not (only) the imagination of the "Open Church", but just a common consequence to the question of the correct attitude of Catholics towards liberal marketplace totalizm.
No 3rd Way?
Piasecki's reflection in itself, however, was far from the thought of a 3rd Way. In this respect, he was consistent with the erstwhile polemics between Falanga and ABC, but besides determined in emphasizing the distinctness of utopia cultivated inactive after the war under the name of Catholic Social discipline (KNS). It was besides 1 of the key differences between Bolesław Piasecki's position and Fr. Stefan Cardinal Wyszynski[xiii]. The superiority of Piasecki's socio-economic reflection on Christian-social instincts of the KNS was limited to knowing class entanglement of the Church[xiv] – and at the same time item the historical opportunity, consisting in the liquidation of the court in which the local priest of the same circles could fuck himself in cards. The Catholic Church in the country of real socialism, which recognized at least its "decent and historical social role", was no longer and had no longer to be a class abroad origin to the working and peasant masses. And let's be honest: he just stopped being one, reuniting with the full nation in a sense of community – in a way thanks to... the communists. Both by eliminating erstwhile class conditions, they freed the clergy from the responsibilities of the board of directors with large earthly property, as well as due to the fact that the repressions, and then only harassments, caused the people to want to defend spiritual values and their bearers. Piasecki knew perfectly well that The Church will only become full national erstwhile it ceases to be "your"[xv]. The 3rd way so there's truly no[xvi]. Whether it is attempted by Fr Primate or charmed by Marxist revisionists – the choice can be only between social justice and its lack, between the decisive position of the nation (state) besides in economical processes and equally totalitarian planting of the capitalist marketplace and its actors. A actual national breakthrough must so be an anti-capitalistic breakthrough and in this respect Bolesław Piasecki's views have not changed in all decades of his public activity[xvii].
Revolution to measurement the strength of the nation
Industry and agriculture, agriculture and industry. These 2 spheres of the economy were invariably of interest to BP. Again, only a hypothesis, but how tempting it is to see Florovit’s desire to participate in the transformation of the Polish village in the games! The Piasecki line had already met with Gomulka's concept, which, to the horror of the reformers of the Puławy Bermanists, spoke on the 8th PZPR Plenary about the anticipation of allowing the "progressive Catholic movement" not only to activity in agrarian areas, but besides to "competitiveness" on this (nomen omen) Marxist field[xviii]. It was not by accident in the country that BP's enemies sabotaged him most simply fearing attractiveness of the Christian Socialism (social) programme. Piasecki himself consistently opposed the false opposition to the tragic frequently caused by the economical errors of the Berman-Minca-Zambrowski era – the unreflexive shifting of the wave to the track leading straight and inevitably to full-sized capitalism, promoted by... the same environment with its dyed descendants[xx].
However, this did not mean economical preservation in Piasecki, on the contrary – he remained (national) revolutionary. PAX questioned the self-medication of sleep o "Slow development, but not risky". BP wanted to overcome the historical delays and “power” of the world, which was to be limited only by rationally estimated “the endurance of the nation”. Piasecki besides pointed out the fact that, if we did not live in the Polish People's Republic, we were never able to full accept or even accept – namely, that from an individual's point of view a long-term strategy, despite, or possibly it is in the case of increasing growth that requires expanding patience[xxx]. Consumer pressure, the desire to benefit already, now, now that it has improved – has overturned many of the period of Polish development, which in turn allowed supporters to force Poles to "flash...and for a bowl of rice". It was precisely in fear of specified false prophets that Piasecki warned against implicating Poles into complexes, against causing collective intellectual paranoia by constantly putting the nation's challenges unfulfilled, strengthening only the sense of instilling in the tail of nations[xxi]. The momentum of imagination has always been accompanied by the ruthless realism of methods in Piasecki's mind.
Think of a national breakthrough
In this respect, the most powerful promoter of Polish productivity, besides associated with the strong industrialisation not dispersed by current consumption, was the large Aleksander Bocheński[xxii]. His relationship with PAX can be considered harsh (especially during certain periods), but it was his views on industrial policy that best reflected the essence and intent of the reflections of Piasecki as well.[xxiii]. Bocheński invariably and besides after the death of the PAX chief continued at least part of his thoughts, demanding from Poles not so much to tighten the belt, but planning, optimal usage of their own forces, yet their own initiative and greater efficiency, decently organized[xxiv]. This is precisely what the economical program of the progressive movement of Catholics outlined by Piasecki was, although of course Bocheński himself was definitely cut off from divasiveness stricte ideological, including the very definition of Christian socialism[xxx].
Finally, according to BP, the request to invest in investigation and education was inextricably linked to economical development, so that the technological gap between Poland and its economical competitors would not expand.[xxx]. Education – was to form a personalist component oriented to give the individual the ability and request of community.[xxvii]. besides this PAX program thought was fatally abandoned when, in place of the national breakthrough, a liberal breach occurred in our homeland.
Important issues
As we can see, even this brief review of Bolesław Piasecki's economical and social reasoning and practice emphasizes the consequence of his ideological line as a programic criticism of capitalism. Of course, BP was not the only 1 in this respect, especially in postwar reality. However, his concepts were surely the most holistic and firmly embedded in the real political agenda (and economical practice). Although they were the first and even more expressive to Christian socialism, Jan Frankowski and Konstanty Lubieński[xxxiii], however, Piasecki gave his concept the strongest organizational formula, thus confirming its effectiveness, and until then besides attractiveness, even beyond Polish experience.
We could so consider that Bolesław Piasecki himself repeatedly replied to our preliminary question about his socialist commitment.[xxx]. In fact, his work should be seen in a much broader perspective. BP is not so much an experimenter of the current, which yet did not make wings in Poland (although individual might announcement that paradoxically The emanation of Christian socialism was in the realities of late PRL... ‘Solidarity’, of course, before the possession of her stamp and legend by neoliberals and compasses). Being a national patriot and an unchanging anti-capitalist, Piasecki must first of all be recognized on Polish grounds as the patron and pioneer of the national left, and due to his deep Catholic formation he can play the same function for the social right.
Although marginal and alternatively theoretical in modern Poland, these divers face the request for the visionaryly recognized by Piasecki. Triumphs of global liberal capitalism condemn Poland and Poles to permanent periphery, and so the only option is to mention straight to economical governance as indicated by BP. Adapted to today's economical decision-making and resulting national industrial and agricultural policy stay challenges to be or not to be Polish. Piasecki himself was never a supporter of the artificial creation of existential challenges for the nation, but he never hesitated to take specified challenges in truly critical situations. Not falling into excessive drama – at this point we find ourselves, and so the reception of social thought throughout the full phalangist-universal-Paxovian process turns out to be an urgent task of national education and political debate. This is not only about Bolesław Piasecki's legend, whose return begins to be increasingly visible in conscious Polish circles – but simply about drawing on the real experience of the national left, especially in the economical field.
These are our contemporary crucial Issues. This must be our State Instinct.
Konrad Hand
The article was first published in the post-conference publication Bolesław Piasecki From the Leader of RNR ‘Falanga’ to the president of PAX, CEiR named after Sołtyk, Warsaw 2022.
[and] A. Jaszczuk, The Ideo Evolution of Bolesław Piasecki, Warsaw 2005.
[ii] The president Bolesław Piasecki, 1939-1956, Warsaw, 2015.
[iii] Op cit. P.H. Kosicki, Personalism in Polish. French roots of Polish Catholic intelligence, Warsaw 2016 and her reviews: K. Kosiński, Attempt of Catholic-Socialism, “Poland 1944/45 – 1989. Studies and Materials”, XV/2017, pp. 375-390; J. Oleszek, France and Poland, Catholicism and Socialism, ‘Limit’, 668/2017, pp. 226-231. Also: Fr. M. Łaszczyk, PAX Association in post-war Poland. Characteristics and effort to pastorally measure the environment of lay Catholics cooperating with the political strategy of the Polish People's Republic, ‘Włocławski Studia’, 8/2005, pp. 205-215.
[iv] R. Sheremietiev, Right march, Warsaw 1993, pp. 38-39.
[v] B. Piasecki, Guidelines for national-radical economical thought, 1937. Available: https://www.nationalista.pl/2010/05/10/boleslaw-paisian-national-radical-think-economic guidelines/ (accessed 5 June 2022).
[vi] The president Kisiela Abbey, Warsaw, 1990.
[vii] See, for example, A. Jarosz-Noszewska, Alexander Konstanty Ivánka (1904-1975)‘National economy’, 10
(242)/2011, pp. 99-115 and P. Janus, In the flow of Polish statism. Stefan Starzyński and First economical Brigade 1926–1932, Kraków 2009.
[viii] On the differences in socio-economic programmes between national and extremist currents and Zatruga, Lt. B. Grott, Christian nationalism. National-Catholic thought formation in the Second Republic against a comparative background, Krzeszowice 2006.
[ix]Statement by Bolesław Piasecki to the Polish authorities on 22 May 1945., cited. For: A. Jaszczuk, Idea evolution....
[x] Lt. A. Micewski as quoted by A. Jaszczuk, Idea evolution...p. 169.
[xi] In this respect, 1 cannot full agree with the position of prof. Jack Bartyzel, who in his polemic with the PAX-owski community focused only on spiritual themes, while the Piasecki triad clearly in his non-European interests dominated geopolitical (and hence patriotic) and economical issues. Lt. J. Bartyzel, The function of the PAX Association in the propaganda “fight for peace” of the russian Block with the planet of Western civilization, [in:] S. Bober (ed.), Who Was the PAX, Warsaw 2008. Indeed, the concern and even the angry reactions of the Holy See have led to attempts to participate in pre-collaborative discussions on social Catholicism conducted in Western Europe, especially in France and Austria. First of all, ecclesiastical sanctions applied to B. Piasecki's book must besides be attached to these efforts. Important issues and “Today and Tomorrow”. The organization church could, due to the fact that it had to, tolerate visions of Christian socialism in the countries of real socialism, but it did not intend to accept them in the realities of real capitalism, and despite the Piasecki emphasized common liberal threat. In this respect too, past has acknowledged the right of the PAX leader...
[xii] See more broadly K. Kosiński, An effort at syncretism...384-387.
[xiii] Of course, it was not the only controversy between these 2 prominent statesmen. The behaviour of the Primate of the Millennium after his release from internment indicates that by changing his attitude towards Piasecki he was guided by more emotional considerations and mistakenly directed displacement of the trauma associated with imprisonment. Nevertheless, Cardinal Wyszyński's well-known attitude to polemists confirms that he could not have enjoyed questioning the ideas of seeking a strategy that is neither capitalism nor socialism – since he himself devoted his active commitment to the implementation of Catholic social discipline with pleasure.
[xiv] B. Piasecki, Important issues, Warsaw, 1954, p. 16.
[xv]Ibid, p. 27.
[xvi] B. Piasecki, Two Ways of Catholicism, ‘The Universal Word’, March 2, 1953, cited for A. Jaschuk, Idea evolution..., p. 120.
[xvii]"The Catholic socio-economic strategy does not be anywhere in practice, and in doctrine it only exists fragmentedly as a correction of the liberal-capitalist system. The liberal-capitalistic strategy has betrayed the needs of the masses and is an insult to Catholic sense of justice” – M. Rostworowski, Word of the PAX, Warsaw, 1968, p. 40.
[xviii]Ibidp. 86.
[xx] B. Piasecki, Background of the political and ideological Polish road to socialism, 1956, [in:] B. Piasecki, Directions Warsaw 1981. It's a shame that in 1981 it was not read more accurately into these warnings...
[xxx] B. Piasecki, Poland's economical promotion, 1961 [in:] B. Piasecki, Development forces, Warsaw 1971, pp. 73-74, 78.
[xxi] B. Piasecki, Thoughts, Warsaw 1983, p. 91.
[xxii] See more K. Hand, Aleksander Bocheński on automotive and construction of PRL, 2013, available in: https://conservatives.pl/alexander-bochenski-o-motorization-and-construction-prl/ (accessed 10 June 2022).
[xxiii] B. Piasecki, Against the breakthrough – behind the critical continuation, 1967, [in:] For promotion... p. 287: ‘(...) there is no strategy that could only produce for production or produce for consumption. Instead, there is simply a problem of proportion (...)”. Nb. this text was an extended polemic with both the propaganda of J. Kuronia and K. Modzelewski, as well as the fundamental Marxism of KPP K. Mijala. In particular, this first thread does not lose track of both the description of changes after 1989 and even the present. After all, BP warned that "The fight for the division of goods is besides a fight for the division of power" (B. Piasecki, Thoughts, p. 121(.
[xxiv] The president The Ray of Hope, ‘Common Word’, 1 (10737), 19-20-21 February 1982.
[xxx] A. Bocheński in conversation with the author.
[xxx] B. Piasecki, Speech in the Parliamentary Discussion (Five-Year Plan), 1966, [in:] For promotion... pp. 255-256.
[xxvii] B. Piasecki, Thoughtsp. 92
[xxxiii] J. Dobraczyński as quoted by A. Eagle, Sources of the “socially progressive” Catholic movement, A evidence of the unpublished discussion by activists and publicists of the PAX Association entitled «How the Uprising took place »Today and
Tomorrow”’, 1975., "Memory and Justice", 37/2021, p. 611.
[xxx] Although, for example, anti-communist members of the youth opposition within the PAX BP could coquet with his anticipation of "the end of socialism", Lieutenant R. Sheremietiev, Right..., p. 39.
