Illustrated Courier regular IKC
On February 6, 1989, the circular Table gathering began at the Palace of the Namiestnikowski in Warsaw. Lech Wałęsa commented: “In the chain of the nation’s conflict with communism it was a link. Communism would most likely have ended anyway, only much later and possibly bloody.”
The thought of negotiating with part of the opposition came in the summertime of 1988, after the wave first since the introduction of the martial law of mass strikes. negociate the name at the circular table, which symbolized that all participants of these talks would have the same rights.
On 31 August in Warsaw, the first gathering took place after 1981 between the head of the MMA, General Czesław Kiszczak and Lech Wałęsa, leader of the banned “Solidarity”. Bishop Jerzy Dąbrowski and the Secretary of the Central Committee of PZPR Stanisław Ciosek participated in this first discussion.
Prof. Antoni Dudek in "Polish Political past 1989-2005", assessing the actions of the authorities at the time wrote: "The beginning of talks with Wałęsa was a intellectual breakthrough for Jaruzelski's team, and at the same time an introduction to the resignation of force solutions which were selectively utilized during spring strikes. Although top-secret preparations for the introduction of a state of emergency have been carried out in the Ministry of the Interior and the Republic of Congo since April 1988, the alternate of force has become little likely each month. This was not so much due to concerns about the opposition's response, which was inactive very weak, but due to the progressive interior degradation of the communist power apparatus itself, which seems to be 1 of the most crucial and at the same time underestimated causes of the collapse of the system."
The conversation with Lech Walesa caused concern about the party's apparatus. At the KC Secretariat gathering on September 1, 1988, General Wojciech Jaruzelski calmed down: “The conversation with Wałęsa is not our Canossa. It was Wałęsa who went with the bishop to the chief of police, not the another way around." Gen. Kiszczak spoke in a akin tone. The second gathering of Lech Walesa and General Kiszczak took place on 15 September 1988. It was besides attended by Stanisław Ciosek, Fr Alojzy Orszulik and Andrzej Stelmachowski. The following day, talks began with the wider group of representatives of the Polish PZPR, ZSL, SD, OPZZ, Solidarity and the Church. Due to the number of participants, they were transferred to the Ministry of abroad Affairs in Podwarszawska Magdalena.
During the negotiations, a fundamental dispute regarding the legalisation of "Solidarity" emerged. The opposition demanded a clear position from the communist authorities on this substance even before the circular Table was held. Finally, the gathering ended with the signing of a joint communication, which stated only that the circular Table's deliberations would begin in mid-October, and their subject would include "the form of the Polish union movement". Gen. Kiszczak did not agree that the communication should mention the name ‘Solidarity’. The circular Table was to be held in the palace in Jabłonno. There was besides a table made in Henryów, prepared to conduct talks.
However, the gathering between the 2 parties did not take place within the set time limit. There was an impasse in the conversations. "Solidarity" consistently demanded its legalization, not agreeing to the interference of the communist authorities in the future opposition delegation at the circular Table. The return to negotiations and the conclusion of the agreement further hampered the decision taken on 31 October by the economical Committee of the Council of Ministers to put into liquidation the Gdańsk Shipyard, a symbol of ‘Solidarity’.
A fewer days earlier (28 October), Prime Minister Mieczysław Rakowski stated at a press conference: "Poles are little curious in the circular table, and more soto set".
Analyzing the activities of the authorities during this period, Prof. Andrzej Garlicki wrote in his book "Riccers of the circular Table": "Initially, General Jaruzelski hoped that negotiations with the opposition would be possible without legalization +Solidarity+. It proved impossible. Restoring +Solidarity+ was a prerequisite for talks. specified a decision required preparation of the organization apparatus, already shocked by the fact of General Kiszczak's conversations with Lech Walesa. Even at the Political Office, the fresh political line did not have full support. The second reason for stopping preparations for the circular Table was the hope that Mieczysław Rakowski, appointed in September 1988 as Prime Minister, could give impetus to economical reforms, which would let for a stronger standing in talks with the opposition. These hopes shortly disappeared.”
The issue of "Solidarity" became a origin of acute conflict within the apparatus of power during the X Plenary KC PZPR meeting. During his first part (20-21 December), six members left the Political Office opposed to agreements with the opposition, who were replaced by people who had assurance in Gen. Jaruzelski. During the second part of Plenum (16-17 January 1989), due to the opposition of a crucial organization group of activists before accepting the anticipation of legalising "Solidarity", 4 members of the Political Bureau (Jaruzelski, Kiszczak, Rakowski and General Florian Siwicki) threatened to resign. Finally, 143 KC members voted in favour of the "KC PZPR position on political pluralism and union pluralism", against 32 and 14 abstained.
As Antoni Dudek wrote in his book “Reclamated Revolution. The distribution of the Communist dictatorship in Poland 1988-1990: "In the last speech before the vote, Jaruzelski justified the request for a political gambit to be made 3 main reasons. First, he estimated that the announcement of the circular table had already provided a period of peace of a fewer months, but the gasoline is spilled, and it is about who will throw the match, or Walesa will throw it. Without the start of the meeting, the situation will rapidly be much more hard and worse. The second motive was the request for elections to the Sejm, which, without the participation of +Solidarity+ and the support of the Church, threatened, according to the general, with a turnout of only 20-30 percent. The last condition afraid the global situation. Without agreement with the opposition – led by Jaruzelski – there is no economical support from the West."
The decision taken by X Plenum enabled the preparation of the circular Table to begin. On 27 January 1989, the first working meetings of Lech Wałęsa and Gen. Kiszczak in Magdalena took place from September 1989, which established the procedure of the meeting, their scope and the date of commencement.
Prof. Krystyna Trembick in the book “The circular Table in Poland. A survey on the political agreement, pointing out that in the situation at the time both parties were curious in starting talks, writes: "The compromise participants were aware of the existence of a multifaceted crisis and political conflict. Uncontrollable strikes have become an additional origin of pressure. These strikes accelerated the process of selecting fresh personnel, outside the influence of government unions and +Solidarity+. In the case of the PZPR elite, the additional threat was: the existence of extremist forces in its own camp, the ferment among allies, the incalculability of OPZZ. For the opposition, who undertook talks with the ruling camp, it was on the 1 hand radicalization of moods in the workplaces (the first strikers publically accused the solidarity elites of betraying the ideals of the 1980-1981 period), and on the another hand the weakness of opposition structures and social marism, expressed in the absence of wider support for +Solidarity+. For the creators of an agreement at the circular Table, it was so a two-way flight forward".
The circular Table was held on 6 February 1989 in Warsaw at the Namestnikowski Palace (URM seat) in Krakowskie Przedmieście. The inaugural gathering was attended by 54 representatives of the government-coalition and opposition-solidarity side. The composition of the coalition-government delegation was determined by Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski, who did not personally participate in the proceedings. On the another hand, representatives of the solidarity and opposition side were appointed by the creation of 18 December 1988. Civic Committee at Lech Wałęsa, whose secretary was Henryk Wujec.
In the inaugural gathering representatives of the solidarity and opposition side alongside Lech Wałęsa were: Zbigniew Bujak, Władysław Frasyniuk, Mieczysław Gil, Władysław Liwak, Jacek Merkel, Alojzy Pietrzyk, Edward Radziewicz, Grażyna Staniszewska, Edward Szwakiewicz – union activists, Józef Ślisz – “Solidarity” of Individual Farmers, Prof. Bronisław Geremek, Aleksander Hall, Jacek Kuroń, Adam Michnik, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Prof. Henryk Samsonowicz, Prof. Andrzej Stelmachowski, Prof. Witold Szczepański, Andrzej Wielowieyski – connected with the Civic Committee at the president of the NSZ “Solidarność” and Stefan Bratkowski, Prof. Władysław Findeisen, Stanisław Stomma, Prof. Klemens Szczepański, Jan Józef Szczepański and Jerzy Turowicz – representing discipline and culture. At the circular Table there were no representatives of all opposition groups. any of them, opposed to negotiations with the communists, participated in the legislature of Anti-system Opposition on 25 February 1989: KPN, PPS-Democratic Revolution, Combating Solidarity, Freedom and Peace Movement and representatives of the Working Group of the National Commission of the NSZZ "Solidarity".
The composition of the coalition-government delegation was established by General Jaruzelski, but he himself did not participate in the deliberations. PZPR was represented by Gen. Czesław Kiszczak, Stanisław Ciosek, Marek Hołdakowski, Aleksander Kwaśniewski, Leszek Miller and Zbigniew Sobotka, OPZZ – Alfred Miodowicz, Janusz Jarliński, Maciej Manicki, Harald Matuszewski, Tadeusz Rączkiewicz, Romuald Sosnowski, Stanisław Wiśniewski and Jan Zaciura (all of whom were besides members of the PZPR). another seats were taken by representatives of smaller groups. These were the president of the Main Council of the National Association of Farmers, Circles and Agricultural Organisations Norbert Alexiewicz (also owned by PZPR), Tomasz Adamczuk, prof. Mikołaj Kozakiewicz and Bogdan Rożyński (all 3 of the ZSL), Prof. Jan Janowski (rector of the AGH University of AGH in Krakow) and Edward Zglobicki (both represented Democratic Party), president of the Board of the Main Association of PAX – Zenon Komender, president of the Christian Social Association – Kazimierz Morawski; president of the Polish Catholic-Social Association Wiesław Gwiżdż. PRON was represented by Jerzy Ozdowski and Prof. Anna Przecławska, while the technological community was represented by professors Aleksander Gieysztor, Jan Kstrewski and Jan Rychlewski.
Jerzy Urban and Janusz Onyszkiewicz served as press spokespersons. In addition to both delegations, there were besides observers from the Episcopate – priests Bronisław Dembowski and Alojzy Orszulik, as well as Bishop of Evangelical-Augsburg Janusz Narzyński. Among the participants of the gathering he was besides invited by the government side patron Władysław Siła-Nowicki.
Prof. Władysław Findeisen and Prof. Aleksander Gieysztor were chaired. The beginning speeches were given by Gen. Czesław Kiszczak, Lech Wałęsa, Alfred Miodowicz, Jerzy Turowicz, Mikołaj Kozakiewicz, Józef Ślisz, Jan Janowski, Alojzy Pietrzyk and Jerzy Ozdowski.
Three negotiating teams (so-called tables) were established. First – discussing the issue of union pluralism, chaired by Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Aleksander Kwasniewski and representing OPZZ Romuald Sosnowski. The second – dealing with economical and social policy problems, led by Prof. Władysław Baki and Prof. Witold Trzewakowski. prof. Bronisław Geremek and prof. Janusz Reykowski led the 3rd squad working on the issue of political reforms.
In addition to these teams, components (so-called sub-tables) were besides created: agriculture, mining, law and court reform, associations, local government, youth, mass media, science, education and method progress, wellness and ecology. Both parties were assisted by advisors and experts during the negotiations. A full of respective 100 people were active in the work.
Some of the problems were resolved in a little formal atmosphere and a smaller group during confidential working meetings in Magdalena. These included: Stanisław Ciosek, Andrzej Gdula, Gen. Czesław Kiszczak, Aleksander Kwaśniewski and Janusz Reykowski – from the coalition-government side and Lech Wałęsa, Zbigniew Bujak, Władysław Frasyniuk, Bronisław Geremek, Lech Kaczyński, Jacek Kuroń, Tadeusz Mazowiecki and Adam Michnik – representing “Solidarity”. Bishop Tadeusz Gocłowski and Fr Alojzy Orszulik participated in these talks.
During talks of the circular Table throughout the country, there were protests and strikes, in which primarily wage increases were demanded. According to data from the then MMA, about 60,000 people took part in 67 strikes in February 1989. A period later, the number of strikes increased to 260. During this time, street demonstrations and demonstrations against communist power were organized by the Independent Association of Students, Confederation of Independent Poland, Combating Solidarity, Youth Fighting Federation and the Polish Socialist Party.
On 5 April 1989, after 2 months of protracted negotiations in which crisis situations occurred respective times, there was a signing of agreements and a solemn plenary session closing the circular Table.
At the celebrated circular table with Henryków, participants met only twice, for inauguration and conclusion of the meeting.
Prof. Andrzej Paczkowski wrote about the agreement concluded in his book "The Half Century of Polish past 1939-1989" – ironically, critically – that it was a "contract of the century". The agreement included a set of arrangements for both the fundamental reorganisation of the highest state authorities (e.g. the introduction of the legislature and the office of President) and the form of electoral ordination.
The coalition-government organization stepped down from its most crucial request to hold elections on a single list and on the basis of a joint declaration. After a long fair, it was established that all seats in the legislature and 35 percent seats in the Sejm would be filled as a consequence of a free electoral game, while the remaining 65% of MPs would be selected from a list divided between the PPR and its allies from the PRON (including 35 from the national list).
Thus, the communists provided themselves, as thought, with a "control package" of mandates adequate for the day-to-day management of the state, but practically prevented unilateral constitutional changes requiring 2 thirds of the vote.
Thanks to the limited to a 100 seats, the legislature besides offered a large chance to elect a presidential candidate, as the elections were to be held by both chambers joined by the National Assembly. In this way, according to the letter of record, the elections became fundamentally "non-confronted", and the PZPR felt that this expression besides meant a mild electoral campaign. erstwhile discussing the arrangements concerning the President's powers, Prof. Paczkowski stated that they were an essential component of the contract concluded, "because it was apparent – and even established – that the most serious candidate would be General Jaruzelski".
Historian stressed that although the presidential regulation was not introduced, many powers were granted to the office—primarily the authority over the armed forces and the work for the country's interior and external security. The president was to be the guarantor of evolutionary continuation of probable further bodily changes. In exchange for agreeing to this opposition, it obtained a strengthening of the legislature position, whose veto against the laws had to be rejected by 2 thirds of the Members.
The agreement on parliamentary elections was one-off. Subsequent elections were to be held on a totally democratic basis.
According to the circular Table, the authorities undertook to legalise NSZZ ‘Solidarity’ (which occurred on 17 April 1989) and NSZZ ‘Solidarity’ (20 April 1989). They besides agreed to resume the issue of "Solidarity Week" and the creation of an independent diary (8 May 1989) the first issue of "Gazeta Wyborcza" was published.
A decision was besides taken to set up an Consultative Commission to guarantee the implementation of the agreements concluded at the circular Table.
7 April 1989. The Sejm adopted the "Law on the amendment of the Constitution of the Polish People's Republic", introducing, among others, records of the Senate, the office of the president and electoral regulations to the Sejm and the Senate.
On 13 April, the State Council set the time limit for the elections to 4 and 18 June 1989.
After years, the circular Table of Lech Wałęsa in the book “The Way to Truth. Autobiography" wrote: "The solidarity side then gained the maximum of what was possible. At the time, there was no another solution than a compromise with the rulers. A gathering at the circular Table was necessary. In the chain of the nation's conflict with communism, it was a link. Communism would most likely have ended anyway, only much later and possibly bloody. I am not amazed that for many, the agreements signed were not the highest of dreams. Over the years, we have imagined a more spectacular recovery of freedom, from day to day, erstwhile everyone will fall into the streets, celebrating the expected success. This is simply a profession. We have forgotten that the spectacular ones in the past were primarily disasters, and inactive worshiped. This triumph of ours must have looked like it could have been done.”
(PAP)
