This year's anniversary celebrations related to the end of planet War II, the bloodiest conflict in Europe and the planet in the 20th century, one more time item the values on which the coexistence of peoples, nations and states should be founded. Stepped down and violated by criminal totalitarianism, they were to re-establish and re-establish our world, this time permanently.
The main goal was to prevent a fresh war and its associated crimes. Among these values we find peace, human rights, respect for the coexistence between nations and human solidarity. Without doubt, the project, which was the embodiment of these aspirations, became the “Old Continent” of the European Communities, which evolved into the European Union in the early 1990s. The thought that hostile states that have not yet healed all the wounds of war may have made an effort to cooperate more closely may seem like an unreal dream. But in specified circumstances, in the rubbles and cemeteries covered by a large part of Europe, was it not paradoxically easier to get there? After all, everyone around them saw evidence of the possible of expansion combined with mass violations of the most simple principles of law.
Unfortunately, respective years after the end of the planet War called the Second, the continent and the planet divided into 2 rival blocks. The liberation of 1945 was not a general triumph of freedom. The crack of the falling iron curtain may have deepened pessimism about the future of not only Europe. The superpowers frequently balanced on the brink of an open clash, but the global war luckily did not happen.
In Europe, 2 blocks developed the integration of their members, but their results proved to be as different as the principles on which this unification took place. Although the slogans of freedom, democracy, improvement and peace were raised in the west and in the east, in practice they carried rather different content. In Western countries, the will to build parliamentary democracy, make European integration and respect for number rights prevailed. The process initiated in the late 1940s shortly resulted. War demolition was rapidly tackled, economical improvement was stimulated, and it was linked to the constant raising of the standard of surviving of societies. The U.S. has played a major function in this process, which, after planet War II, supported democratic efforts and were a warrant of the safety of this part of Europe.
Until the collapse of communism, the countries of Central and east Europe were not excluded from this process. The region was dominated by Moscow. It should be noted that this did not happen without the participation of the Western powers of the anti-Hitler coalition. The large 3 on the east part of the continent went in the direction indicated by Stalin, for a good coin taking his vague assurances about respect for the right to choose the way of improvement by Poles, Czechs and Hungarians. It turned out very rapidly that the Kremlin had no inhibitions to almost openly impose its political and economical strategy on the countries of its sphere of influence.
Thirty years after the Bolshevik coup in Russia, Moscow provided power to the communists far from its pre-war borders. The word "people's democracy" rapidly became euphemism. Indeed, they were a denial of democracy as specified and freedom in its deepest being. For decades, Europeans from this communized part have recalled the large Three's arrangements, and especially the Yalta Conference in Crimea as an act of betrayal of the West of his own values. In their eyes, this was another example (let's not forget the Munich Conference!) of an agreement of powers above the heads of smaller states.
However, despite the repression utilized to combat the actual and alleged opposition, Moscow and its subordinate communists from the east bloc failed to enslave societies effectively. They were not able to instill in the souls of hostility the fundamental values – freedom, the right of individuals and nations to free self-fulfillment, the longing for justice in the relations of the state-citizen and the state-state. At various intervals, mass rebellions broke out, which became a symbol of the opposition and rejection of communist governments by these European nations. specified dates as 1953 in the GDR and Czechoslovakia, 1956 in Poland and Hungary, 1968 in Czechoslovakia and Poland, at last 1970, 1976 and 1980 in Poland symbolize further stages of the conflict for the subjectivity of societies and individuals. They show longing for the basic values that build Western civilization.
These speeches, although suppressed, were a manifestation of the “powerless” (Vaclav Havel) which the dictatorial authorities could not annihilate. Belonging to the Western world, necessarily idealized, was a goal to be pursued. Frustration from an unbearable life in a political dictatorship deepened discontent with permanent economical crises, proving full failure and detachment of communism from the needs of people, even the average ones, focused on their regular lives.
Western Europe was at the same time a place where political migrants from its east part could make their activities, draw up plans for the future, benefit from the opportunities offered by the democratic political system. Despite attempts to isolate the east from the west, Moscow and the Communists in the countries of Central and east Europe failed to completely break the link between societies from 2 blocks. This sustained the spirit of fighting and hope for change in the east. An tremendous echo in the free planet was the uprising in Poland in 1980. NSZZ "Solidarity" and its respective months of activity. It was grassroots democracy in practice. Polish activists, who advocated peaceful changes, became an inspiration for another opposition movements. Although the Polish authorities under the force of the USSR introduced martial law, they failed to annihilate the opposition and pacify society. After a fewer years, past has greatly accelerated, amazing the ranks of sovetologists as well as oppositionists themselves.
The "Autumn of Peoples" in 1989 and the dissolution of the USSR brought freedom to the countries of Central and east Europe. They regained sovereignty and the right to choose their own way. fresh independent states specified as Belarus and Ukraine were created on the ruins of the USSR. 3 tiny Baltic countries, absorbed by the USSR in 1940, returned to the map of Europe. The hard process of political, economical and social transformation has begun. Most elites and societies have recognised that the goal is the Western model, and its values must be based on it – liberal democracy, regulation of law, civilian liberties. Consensus towards them was strong enough, although differentiated depending on the country, that it allowed to last a very hard period of transition from communism to democracy and marketplace economy.
Not everywhere has the goals been achieved. War in the Balkans became a dramatic reminder of the old phantoms. Belarus and Ukraine were incapable to build a strong basis for further development. The dictatorship was comparatively fast in Minsk, but Kiev – fighting immense problems – began to approach the West thanks to social engagement. This price proved to be huge, but modern Ukraine shows in our eyes that it is ready to pay it in the name of a good future.
The countries of Central Europe, which were in NATO and the EU at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries, faced another challenges which are incomparable with the request to fight for independence, but besides serious. How can democracy be strengthened, how can it be defended against the strengthening of authoritarian and anti-Western forces? Formal membership of Western structures alone is not adequate and does not warrant protection against threats to democracy but besides peace. We were very worried about the condition of the former, but we didn't think that our generations would come to worry about keeping the latter... This is simply a bitter conclusion on the 80th anniversary of the end of the war, which was never to happen again, at least in Europe...
A reminder of these most crucial events, due to the thinness of time only in a very simplified way, was essential to reflect on the contemporary Polish-German relations and the challenges facing us. The situation in the planet and Europe, especially in fresh years, has become very complicated. For many years, Europe has been facing many crises that undermine the sense of European integration. These were: financial, migration or identity. The full-scale war in Ukraine, in our close neighbour and the emergence in populist forces across Europe has besides reached that point. Even at the turn of 1989/1990, the emergence of populists, and thus people/groups openly undermining the post-war political strategy in Europe in the name of the alleged liberation of the oppressed majority, would be unthinkable. In fresh years, there has been a threat of re-war, a deficiency of security, a spectrum of economical crisis. Many of us find it hard to accept the fact that without effort, determination and sacrifice of what we consider to be our unique and affirmative lifestyle, we will not maintain. The US is no longer a hegemon that guarantees us unquestionably security, support for democracy and stableness in the economical markets. We repeat all decision that Europe is demographically and economically powerful. But it's a power that she has to believe in in order to actually create. The condition is further integration, to which our societies must first be persuaded.
Poland and Germany, after years of intense relations and then their breakdown, must redefine the foundations of their neighbourhood, the objectives of cooperation and respond to the challenges of the environment. There is no mention of the dangers of our relationship. Changing governments in Poland and Germany have not always been able to find a common language, there have been periods of stagnation, and even crucial cooling in common relations. This was especially evident during the period of the regulation of the national-conservative organization in Poland. The allegations formulated at Berlin did not have much of a justification, although it must be remembered that our interests are not in everything and may be converging. It's average in relations between countries. On the another hand, the anti-German attitude of Warsaw was rather convenient for Germany itself. 1 side resented the other, the another side either did not respond, or nursed resentment.
It was besides easy for us to forget what good we did. And yet peaceful and friendly neighbourhood, surviving economical exchange, belonging to the same structures are historical achievements. shortly this had disastrous consequences for common relations, reactivation of common stereotypes and prejudices. failure of assurance in political relations, had a crucial simplification in human relations, peculiarly affecting active participants of Polish-German rapprochement. Polish-German Society or the editorial office of the Polish-German magazine DIALOG were no exception here. This is very painful, due to the fact that it led to a waste of our most precious resources – self-sacrificing people and their willingness to work for the common good.
The legacy of governments in Poland of the United Right, which ended after the creation of a fresh government in December 2023, continues to affect common relations. Although anti-German statements and unrealistic demands have disappeared from political discourse, calculated to applaud inside the country, including the explicit instrumentalization of history, we cannot accept that we have returned to the situation before 2015. We have a lot to discuss, quite a few things can't wait to be done. A more creative approach of the western neighbour (Radosław Sikorski) to cases that have a bearing on bilateral and multilateral relations is expected.
Warsaw and Berlin have done quite a few work in fresh months, but more determination is needed, especially on the German side. Polish-German intergovernmental talks from early July 2024 were to be a breakthrough, a fresh opening. This did not happen. I have no intention of looking for the culprit here. The deterioration of the global situation (the strengthening of the war in Ukraine, the fresh president in the US and its imagination of politics), the increase in interior problems in our countries has been hindered so that a fresh beginning in Polish-German relations can become a fact. We are presently waiting for the fresh German government to take power. Regardless, it should be welcomed that average formats of conversation and exchange at different levels and levels, from government to cross-border, were resumed at a comparatively fast rate. The atmosphere of contacts between our countries has improved. Citizens' action plays an crucial function in this process. They were and are the actual historical accomplishment of our neighbourhood.
Poland and Germany face immense challenges, both as neighbours and partners in Europe. After a waiting period (parliamentary elections in Germany, presidential elections in Poland) the time will come for concrete and fast action. Germany must realise that they request an east neighbour even more than before. The safety of Germany, whose sustainability is not strengthened on Oder and Bug, on the east flank of NATO and the east border of the EU, depends on this. More cooperation in this area should be sought. This will support actions on the border, where a hybrid war is now being waged by Russia and Belarus, and Poland is facing another year of illegal migration.
Together we must proceed to aid the fighting Ukraine and prepare for it a plan to gradually integrate with European structures. This will not be easy and will origin a series of tensions with different sources. However, uncovering solutions is simply a necessity, given the well understood interests of all stakeholders. The Polish-German border should be supported as widely as possible. "Train for Culture" (Kulturzug) is simply a good example of the attractive overcoming of Polish-German barriers, but improving the regular operation of railways, especially on the German side, requires urgent attention. Support is needed for learning Polish in Germany. The promotion of neighbouring culture on both sides of Oder needs to be developed.
Historical issues stay to be discussed in common relations. The unveiling of a temporary monument in the centre of Berlin dedicated to the Polish victims of the Second planet War and German business does not, of course, close the case. Rather, it is an introduction to further actions in this area. We cannot let the disastrous, terrifying consequences of a war of 80 years ago to be forgotten. Memory is our duty, due to the fact that it can only brake against another seduction by forces offering simple prescription solutions from immediately any of our problems. Further popularisation so requires a common Polish-German past manual, as education straight affects the future of our youngest generations. Young people request to retell the past of European integration and convince them that its improvement is worth continuing, due to the fact that – despite the right criticism of any part of it – it is simply a task of large success, which grew out of the worst European disaster.
Certainly these and another topics will shortly be addressed at the Polish-German Forum, which was planned for the beginning of June this year. It will be attended by politicians, experts and social organisations without whom it is hard to imagine a meaningful discussion of the current relations and their challenges.
There is no uncertainty that, despite 80 years since the end of planet War II, my values at the beginning have not lost their importance. They even gained due to the fact that we see that they are not given to us forever, that we may lose her again. Looking compassionately at Ukraine's regular sufferings, we one more time find how fragile peace is if we do not unite in Europe and make a common front to defend our values and lifestyles, so attractive to many people from all over the world. surely Poland and Germany should be active players in Europe, their cooperation and commitment will depend on the quality of bilateral relations and within Europe. It's not just our future that's shaping today.
