Marcin Bogdan: A hard exchange of capo di tutti capi

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Felietons
Marcin Bogdan: A hard exchange of capo di tutti capi
date:21 June 2025 Editor: GKut

The 2014 band scandal shook the Polish political scene. We're presently on tape 2.0.


These 2 cases are 11 years apart, and what do they have in common? What is their common denominator? It brings them together that most of the recordings, both then and now, were made during the regulation of the Civic Platform. Even if these recordings did not carry out peculiar services, peculiar services should defend the politicians in power from specified a threat. In 2014, the Tusk government ministers regularly went to certain restaurants, met in acquainted and predictable places. Why, then, did the servants not detect the wiretaps there? Why did the recordings recorded in 2019, the United Right rule, not leak at the time of the election campaign, just now?

There's only 1 rational explanation. Both in 2014 and now, the disclosure of compromising certain recording politicians was not the effect of right-wing actions, but the effect of interior friction, not in a broad coalition, but in the Civic Platform itself. This is the consequence of efforts to exchange capo di tutti capi. To realize this well, it is worth going back to the times of the Polish People's Republic for a moment. The Communist organization then had an unquestionable monopoly on governance. But inside the organization there were various cateries and informal groups willing to take power into their own hands, of course inside the organization and within just the right line. Since, regardless of the deficiency of democracy in the country, the organization itself was not a democratic structure, the change of the first secretary took place in the form of an interior coup, with no acceptance from the side removed from the staff manger. Social protests caused by the economical crisis have always been an additional component accompanying specified coups. There were strikes, street demonstrations, victims, including fatalities. People opposed power, opposed the thought of communism, but the only effect of their protests was to change capo di tutti capi. The fresh secretary criticized the predecessor for “mistakes and perversions” and society made empty promises, specified as the celebrated “help” directed to the workers by Gierek just after the massacre on the Coast and after removing Gomulka from power. alternatively of society's expected overthrow of communism, there was a change of the first secretary, a control of 1 boilerry to another.

As a consequence of round-the-clock "agreements" sealed with toasts in Magdalena, the way was only right with the active participation of erstwhile communists dyed into liberals. From the beginning of this road, Donald Tusk was anointed on the future capo di tutti capi, which is best demonstrated by his active engagement in the overthrow of Jan Olszewski's government sanctioned by the celebrated words "gentlemen, let's number the votes". From that minute on, from the night shift of 4 June 1992, Poland was to regulation the left-liberal formation forever. An effective transformation of the communist organization into a left-liberal organization was made, but the problem of organization cateries was not eliminated. The leftist-liberal structures, like the PPR, were far from the principles of interior democracy and the possible change of organization leadership, as in the times of the PRLu, could only take place in the form of a coup. However, unlike the communist period, the elections in the III Polish Republic had certain features of democracy and their result was not prejudged in advance. Therefore, interior disputes over leadership in the left-liberal camp gave the right-wing patriotic camp a chance to win elections and take power. According to the regulation where 2 fights are fought there the 3rd uses. This was the case in the 2005 election that preceded the scandal known as “Rywin comes to Michnik”. You can even say that this was the first band scandal of the 3rd Polish Republic. This disclosure of corruption proposals, a brutal conflict for influence in the left-liberal camp, allowed the right to win elections, both parliamentary and presidential.

The same situation took place in 2015. The tape scandal connected with the disclosure of talks by politicians of the then government, among others, at the “Sowa and Friends” restaurant, compromised Tusk and undermined his leadership in the party. This is why Tusk evacuated to Brussels at the time, which he had not planned before. He knew that erstwhile he left the country he would lose his position and influence in the party. Therefore, he anointed as his successor, both as Prime Minister of the Government and president of the Civic Platform, Ewa Kopacz, a individual loyal to him without limit. The problem was that Ewa Kopacz did not have even a small intelligence and ability to act independently. Where Tusk's distant control was out of range, she had to pull her sleeves by Angela Merkel, due to the fact that she couldn't even walk the carpet in front of an honorary company. Tusk defended his position as organization leader, but the full disgrace of Ewa Kopacz contributed to the triumph of the right hand, as in 2005, i.e. both in the presidential and parliamentary elections.

due to the fact that this time the regulation of the right proved not only effective but besides lasting (second word of the Sejm and the President) the left-liberal camp suspended the interior struggles of the cateries, he even closed ranks in the face of subsequent elections. The Tusk squad prepared perfectly for the parliamentary elections in autumn 2023. A pseudo-third way was created to attract a leftist-liberal electorate negative to Tusk. An alleged alternate to the regulation of the United Right was besides created in the form of a group of Rafał Piech, which gained part of the electorate but did not exceed the electoral threshold, which further improved the result of left-liberal groupings. This has been done by unauthorised interference in the election process in the form of a top-down-controlled "election tourism" and a clear fraud involving respective ballots for illegally reproduced certificates. All this allowed Tusk to form a majority coalition and re-enter, after a nine-year hiatus, the position of Prime Minister.

little than 2 years between the last parliamentary and presidential elections have led to major changes in planet politics. In the United States, Donald Trump became president, whom Tusk publically called a Russian agent, the SPD came to power in Germany and Friedrich Merz became Chancellor, who has individual hatred of Tusk. The geopolitical situation combined with the disastrous results of the Polish economy caused Tusk not to dare run for President's Office. Seeing the opposition increasing inside his own party, otherwise, increasing in a force of unfavorable koteria, he repeated the 2015 maneuver, pushing in the final presidential election the candidate completely loyal to him, but at the same time incapable to conduct an effective election campaign. This ended one more time with a bitter defeat of the left-liberal candidate and a very clear, indisputable win by Karol Nawrocki.

Politicians who aspire to take over the schema in Tusk, specified as Radosław Sikorski, are well aware that the hours of the liberal-left government are numbered and the only chance of remaining in power of the Civic Platform is to remove Tusk from the rudders in the organization and change to the position of Prime Minister. Tusk, unlike 2014, has no place to "immigrate" this time. So he defends himself and will defend himself fiercely. That's why it's band 2.0. Since the main anti-hero of the revealed recordings is Sikorski Roman Gierty, it can be assumed that the quarterback of the tape affair is Tusk and his koteria. But this is for us, for Poland, a secondary case. The crucial thing is that one more time bulldogs have been fought under the carpet, and as you know, where 2 fight there is the 3rd one. possibly he's not utilizing as much as he can. so the widely understood right, so the patriotic camp, so Poland cannot waste this opportunity. They won erstwhile they united and erstwhile they succeeded in sharing us. They lost erstwhile they were fighting for power, and at that time we managed to forget the insignificant differences and unite around key values. And now there's a moment, a minute in past that we can't waste. You can't.

After reading this text, individual may ask how interior disputes, whether on the side of the liberal left or on the side of the right, can lead to specified a fast defeat and failure of power. After all, there is simply a alleged iron electorate on both sides, which does not succumb to the force of specified disputes, an iron electorate which will not discourage anything, will not convince anything, will not break anything that will never change its mind. Yes, but no of these electorates represent the majority in Poland. Let us simply presume that there are 40% of active voters, active, and so those who regularly participate in elections, after each party. The remainder of the voters are the alleged means, people who are busy, afraid about everyday problems that do not follow politics all day and do not have good discernment in the nuances of various political games, vices, pressures and influences. erstwhile again, individual can say that over the years, this measurement should gain experience, discern in the nuances of politics, after all, a wise Pole after harm. It's just that this drug is constantly fluctuating. They're not the same people all the time. At 1 time the liberal left hoped that the right-wing electorate would gradually, naturally, die out. This is not the case. any people in this measure, with the passing of time, even due to fear of raising the retirement age, tend to vote for right-wing groups. In their place, into this hesitant middle, successive generations enter. The measurement changes personally but does not change mentally. This is inactive a group of voters who value stableness and predictability. That's why this group of voters, unlike hard electorates, is kind of flexible. It is ready to change its preferences under the influence of the dynamics of events. He's a tongue in the scales.

The Citizens' Platform, in order to keep power, possibly even to survive, must make a capo di tutti capi exchange. Hence these tapes, hence revealing compromising materials. The electorate of the mediate sees it, the electorate of the mediate does not accept it, the electorate of the mediate temporarily tilts to the right. This is simply a historical minute we must not waste. You can't.

Mr Bogdan

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