Preventing the government and achieving any success by it is the main task and goal of Karol Nawrocki and vice versa: the government does not intend to pass presidential projects and effort to circumvent the presidential veto, which will not be easy.
Nawrocki will paralyze the government, trying to deprive it of the ability to effectively make the law, the government will effort to work, having an enemy and energetic in the work of demolition of the President.
This will not be a peaceful time, and the consequences for the state - mourned if in fact Polish policy starts to match war on everyone. due to the fact that then there's a lot going on on the battlefield, but you're going to die.
Veto, chaos and blockade. First Fronts of War
Take the question of windmills on land. The PiS actually blocked the anticipation of setting them up in 2016, a coalition of 15 X for almost 2 years (counting from the activity of the future climate minister, inactive by the emergence of the Donald Tusk government) attempted to agree a fresh wording of the rules, and erstwhile it yet succeeded, the bill vetoed Nawrocki.
The government is threatening that it will now usage the amendments to the regulations to enable fresh wind farms to be built. And this is definitely not the last episode of this show. The political dispute will proceed to be torn apart by the justice system, and attempts to fragmentary reconstruct the regulation of law, which will erstwhile win and erstwhile fail, will not destruct the chaos generated by the last decade (!) it will alternatively deepen all day.
The Media Act, which is about to yet go to the Sejm, will be vetoed, and so the public media will stay "in liquidation", or the ruling will decide to usage the National Media Council previously contested by them to cast the authorities of media companies. It's bad, it's bad.
All of this and even more should have been expected after the triumph in the PiS presidential election and this baseline script is in force for the next 2 years. But there is another difficulty for the camp of power: interior friction, which despite the electoral shock and the increasing power of the widely understood right hand, including the utmost one, did not stop.
Second battle: interior friction in the coalition
However, the main charge and 1 of most likely the main reasons for the increasingly weaker quotations of the government (according to the August CBOS survey as many as 46 percent of Poles are opponents of this cabinet, only 30 percent are considered to be his sympathizers) was the deficiency of constituency of the seismic coalition, constant quarrels and common blocking of their projects.
Hence, the Prime Minister announced that if, after reconstruction, any of the ministers vote in the Sejm against the government bill, they would immediately lose their position. However, he did not mention Members, possibly by forgetting, but alternatively as a consequence of a realistic assessment of the situation that all parliamentarians together and each individual could simply not be disciplined.
Here is the first question: how will Members vote in favour of the fresh draft law on assistance to Ukrainians, which is to include a provision on the limitation of the benefit of 800 plus only for children working in Poland of parents?
For example, Polish MP 2050 Joanna Mucha announced on Tok FM radio that she would be against it. We remember that politicians of this group powerfully criticized Rafał Trzaskowski at the beginning of the year, erstwhile he, trying to win the Confederate voters in the campaign, announced specified a solution as reasonable and fair.
Or, did we yet come to an agreement on the partnership? due to the fact that the coalition reported specified ambitions to be very truncated in this matter, however, yet pass and put on the desk of Karol Nawrocki. For now, proceeding from the demoted minister Kotuli has disappeared, and the PSL task is inactive a ghost project.
A dispute over NIK, or symbol of coalition chaos
Or: Will the parliamentary majority elect a fresh NIK president? due to the fact that Marian Banasio's word of office ended on August 30. 2 candidates were submitted: supported by the Law and Justice and without a chance to elect Tadeusz Dziuba and Mariusz Haladyj, the current president of the lawyer General's Office, under which the talker of the Sejm, Szymon Holownia, signed the motion.
It should be clear that this is simply a candidacy agreed by coalition leaders 15 X and little whether it was the effect of their political fairs or the average acceptance by all 4 of specified a solution as a good one.
The election of the successor of Banasia was to take place at the first session of the Sejm in September, but the timetable does not take this into account, and the "calling of the president of the NIK" appears as the item for which the agenda can be completed.
In the Kuluaras, KO politicians revolve their noses at Haladyja, although he was the Deputy Minister of Economy in 2012-2015, that is, during the governments of the PO. However, for the Law and Justice, he besides made a government career as Deputy Minister of Development, then entrepreneurship and yet the president of the Prosecutor's Office, from which he did not remove Tusk, though he could, due to the fact that the cast of this office is the competence of the Prime Minister.
The head of government himself, asked about this substance on Friday, first spoke warmly about Marian Banasiu: "He turned out to be a truly efficient and specified an inquisitive chief controller of the Polish Republic (...) I can say with appreciation that these years were not wasted", and then he began to key: "It is the decision of the Sejm. The marshal (...) proposed this candidacy to the public, a long time ago, and we will see, for now most likely the marshal takes on this burden of recognizing whether the majority in parliament will be found".
The ultimate Chamber of Control is 1 of the most crucial institutions of the state. The deficiency of a clear message by the head of government so makes it possible to presume that possibly the KO wants to keep Banasia's position (until his successor is elected, the current president inactive holds office), and does not want Haladyj.
Banaś himself is doing the procedures to discourage KO MPs from this candidate. He is to convince that he is Mateusz Morawiecki's man. They were asked about this by the GW, he replies that he only "recommends the Members to thoroughly get acquainted with the CV of the candidates", and if "there will be the will of Members to proceed my mission, I am prepared for it".
To make things even more complicated, you gotta go back to July, erstwhile Haladyj was reported by the Holovnia. At the time, Maciej Berek, Donald Tusk's right-hand man in the government, argued that the coalition "is set to be a joint candidate and it is Mariusz Haladyj", and against this message protested... Head of Parliamentary Left Club, MP Anna Maria Żukowska.
On portal X she wrote, "This candidacy was not agreed with the Left". This case well illustrates the mess on the coalition side, which may consequence in the government boxing again, utilizing valuable energy for interior brawls and serving ambition and antipathy.
And before us, we inactive have the cancellation of Marshal Holownia and the appointment of Marshal Vladimir Czarzaste, which seems obvious, as it was agreed 2 years ago, but present it is hard to foretell what will yet happen and what tensions will accompany it. 1 thing is certain - the power camp should shorten the front with Nawrock and reduce the number of interior fronts. Otherwise the war will be lost.
