Sometimes it comes out that people who want to someway give themselves and their actions a more human face uncover the scenes of their actual status, which we can only guess.
This is the case with Zbigniew Parafianowicz's latest book, which is fundamentally a collection of quotations of various anonymous officials, diplomats and uniforms liable for the implementation of the authoritative Polish policy towards Ukraine in the last fewer months. The parishioner is not only a writer and a war correspondent, but besides – as we can conclude not only from his published book – a character with rather extended cognition in the planet of Polish politics, especially the mediate generation of its participants orbiting the COPIS. Many of them went to media politics. any of them came up with peculiar services. And these are most likely the sources of anonymous statements cited in the book Poland in the war of the writer „Diary. Legal Gazette’ Zbigniew Parishovich.
Its author is not free from certain stereotypical beliefs which are typical of the mainstream Polish public debate. In 1 of the speeches for the manufacture portal on favourite authors and sources, he mentions, among others, the Bellingcat portal, an evident disinformation task supervised by British peculiar services as an crucial reading for him. If he truly draws from specified news media, it is impossible to consider his texts about the post-missile area as credible. But with the aforementioned book on Polish politics towards Ukraine, it doesn't should be that bad.
Necessary amendments
However, 1 must remember to take the appropriate amendment, reading anonymous statements, as the author himself points out, highly placed representatives of the Polish state and its organs on the Polish cards in the war.
Firstly, many of them can consciously participate in the action of creating the image of their political superiors, specified as Andrzej Duda, who is by far the highest on the pages of the publication of the Parish. possibly any of the speeches should be treated as a kind of a set to repair the image of part of the Polish political class. Even if the author himself was not a full aware participant. Secondly, since there are anonymous quotes from military and peculiar services, it must be considered that any of the content presented by them may be conscious of misinformation and even manipulation. Thirdly, human memory can be a failure, even in the case of events or situations comparatively close in time, while vanity accompanies people always, and already in the circles of power it frequently reaches tremendous sizes. With the above reservations at the back of the head to read the book by Parafianovich, we will inevitably draw attention to respective circumstances illustrating a trend, a characteristic feature of Warsaw's east policy.
Duda did his job, Duda can go
As Zbigniew Parafianowicz reconstructs, the presidential centre was among various institutions and political circles in Poland the hottest man of blind love for Ukrainian authorities. Love – let us add – unreciprocated, instrumentally used. The duda from the pages of the book Parafianovich is an abandoned virgin on release, sad and having heartaches.
The author tells his communicative about attempts to become friends of the Polish president with Vladimir Zelenski, a joint drink of vodka at the presidential center in Wisła. But on respective pages we read an anonymous origin in the Presidential Palace: “Later, after this carnival of friendship, erstwhile Zelenski believed he was Mahatma Gandhi, Duda as Gandhi's assistant was no longer needed” (p. 15). The submission of the Polish authorities led to an always deeper degradation of Duda in the eyes of Kiev, up to the position – as 1 of the ministers in the book of Paraphanovich – “assistant or 3rd deputy” (p. 155). failure of all respect for political partners besides moved to treat the full Polish country; Zelenski's people did not even bother to inform our website about their transit journeys through our country. An authoritative visit to Warsaw, as reported in the book by 1 of the diplomats, had to be sought (it was essential to draw this visit by the ears), p. 192). The disputed matters, especially in the case of Ukrainian grain exports, Kiev dealt with above the head of Poland, especially with the European Commission, sometimes resorting to blackmail and complaints against the Polish side. In the face of conflict of interests in various areas, Poland proved almost completely defenceless; although rational ideas arose to address the issue of unfair competition from Ukrainian carriers (controls, investigating of the method condition of vehicles – p. 225), there was neither force nor determination to implement them.
Ukraine without illusions
No idealization of Ukraine as a regulation of law and democracy is mentioned by Polish decision-makers. Words about defending the “free world” or “western standards” are only good in tv programs and uplifting messages. It turns out that decision-makers know precisely how pathological structure we are dealing with, which does not halt them from explicitly supporting it. So we're not dealing with any mistake of naivety. 1 of the people around Duda tells the parishioner: “For anyone who knows Ukrainian politics at least a small bit, it is clear that stealing and self-deprecating has been a norm there for 3 decades” (p. 75). Another interlocutor of the book notes that "the war did not origin Ukraine to cease to be a state of legal nihilism" (pp. 197-198).
The fascination of Andrzej Duda with Ukrainian authorities, although it proved to be a political mistake with very far-reaching consequences, resulted from a certain ideological imagination of the planet very typical of this part of the political establishment over the Vistula River. It is worse that in the book of the parishioner we find memories that can bear witness to Duda's serious problems with the perception of reality and his place in it, possibly the fruit of his besides lush imagination and overgrown ego. erstwhile armed actions began during his visit to Ukraine, the Polish president – according to 1 of his colleagues – “... said only that, if anything, he could not imagine that he was going into captivity. He said that there is no way that the Polish president is shown in Russian channels as a hostage. He stated that if the Russians landed on the road somewhere, they would gotta fight until they were rescued. We had a GROM defender at the time. And I think we would truly fight” (p. 23).
So it turns out that Andrzej Duda seriously imagined that he could be captured by Russian troops. That's why he was going to engage his own protection in a hopeless fight against armored columns or assault units.
On the pages of the book Parafianovich there are besides statements on Belarus. In fact, they confirm what we utilized to devastate as propaganda messages from Minsk.
It turns out that “...we were considering the establishment of diversion groups composed of representatives of the Belarusian diaspora, which would operate in the back of the Lukashenko army and impeded its war. We talked about this with the Americans" (pp. 30-31, origin in the Chancellery of the President). The thought of direct force interference in the case of the neighbouring country is so something that the Polish political class is actually considering. It turns out that even the establishment of a private company was being considered, which was expected to prepare disinformation-psychological operations in Belarus on behalf of the authorities (p. 148).
Agreeing the actual start of armed action against the neighbouring state is not the only manifestation of the relation of the Polish political class to Washington. In relation to the serious crash of the presidential plane with Duda heading to Rzeszów for the gathering with Joe Biden collected by the parishioner, it is said that the Americans were well aware of the situation and the request for an emergency landing of Boeing, due to the fact that they are listening to all communications across the east NATO border utilizing an unmanned Global Hawk spy aircraft (pp. 48-49).
Under peculiar protection there are besides American corporations; after a dangerous failure purchased for VIPs for the immense money of the Warsaw aircraft – as expected – she decided to stay silent about the full case. As reported by an anonymous minister, “if we wanted to make the substance public, their concern would have serious problems” (p. 49). So they didn't. A vassal who constantly fears for the favour of his protector must constantly prove its usefulness. This was besides done by Warsaw politicians, especially after the decision to the White home by a typical of Democrats, who was to treat Poland like Texas (i.e. unfriendly and culturally alien, but inactive 1 of the American states). Blind, ruthless service to Kiev's interests – as 1 of the politicians quoted in the book admits – was to rise Warsaw's position in the eyes of Washington. What could be the intent of the abroad and defence policy of the vassal? Defending the interests of hegemon from overseas, and even the safety of his... soldiers. 1 of the ministers quoted puts it this way: “They are pragmatic and see that in a situation where their soldiers may be threatened, Ukrainians, then Poles and Estonians will fight” (p. 110).
Was Moscow right?
For a long time, in Russian media and statements by the politicians there has been a subject of the presence of Polish soldiers on the Ukrainian side on the front. The parishioner – or actually his interlocutors – actually confirms this fact, although limited to the first phase of the conflict. 1 advanced - ranking officer says: “After 2014, we were on Donbasa as part of a procedure. After February 24, 2022, we were just sent off to pay off. Politicians pretended not to see it” (p. 140). Note: the officer uses the phrase “sent us”. This means that decisions in this case were made at the command level, although politicians would later decide to retreat Polish soldiers.
‘We have established a fresh peculiar service” (p. 146) says 1 of the ministers. A private military company was established in Poland, although any of it was made out of public money. It was called CBN (Why Not). Interestingly, the decision was made at the government level as much as possible; “we decided with RARS that something should be created like a private company employing soldiers and erstwhile peculiar services officers” (p. 146). Under the acronym RARS lies the Government strategical Reserve Agency, which was headed by a colleague from his work at the time. Mateusz Morawiecki from the banking sector, the later associate of the board of directors of the Polish Armed Forces Group and the PiS candidate in the fresh parliamentary elections, Michał Kuczmierowski.
Subservience besides manifested itself in the form of treating the territory of Poland as a frontal backdrop of a substitute war led by Americans in neighboring Ukraine against Russia. Washington requested Warsaw to indicate a transit base for Kiev's weapon.
"At first, the Americans were wandering around airports in the east of Poland and were checking out which ones were suitable. The Americans wanted the base to be extraterritorial and not connected to the civilian airport. We wanted – this would sound brutal – to have a human shield next to this base" (p. 63) – said 1 of the PiSowski ministers. The human shield is the inhabitants of the capital Podkarpacie. 1 of the ministers quoted by Zbigniew Parafianovich speaks crucial words giving the essence of the Polish position towards the conflict in Ukraine: “We are at war and we are not dealing with whether we win or lose, we are fighting” (p. 35). This is an illustration of the approach to the present war, which is treated straight and bluntly as “our war”.
The Warsaw politicians of the NATO substitute war with Russia seemingly wanted it very much. While at the Weimar Triangle summit in early February 2022 Berlin and Paris, recognising clearly the threat of a fresh phase of the conflict in the East, they wanted to appeal to Kiev for implementation of the Minsk Agreements, representatives of Polish authorities advised Germans and French to consult Zelenski (p. 104). Quoted in the book, the minister claims that the agreements were not implemented by the Russian side, seemingly forgetting that he challenged them publicly, inactive in 2021 Kiev.
Kiev lobby over Vistula
Who was behind the blind love policy for Kiev and its political class? The answer to this question, which we get from Poland's cards in the war, shows that it was in fact an environmental group located in advanced positions in a state under the regulation of the Law and Justice, although not necessarily closely connected with the governing party. The largest lawyers of Kiev in our country were 2 co-workers of Andrzej Duda – Paul Soloch and James Kumoch (now Ambassador to Beijing) and 1 close associate of Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki – Michał Dworczyk. The second was even to propose to send Polish military troops to Ukraine in unmarked uniforms, claiming that this would let to get the priceless experience of the Polish army (p. 250). The old comrades of Jarosław Kaczyński, even from the time of the Centre Agreement, were to look at Kiev with a somewhat cooler eye, as the authoritative of the Prime Minister's Chancellery described as "an alternate view of relations with Ukraine" (p. 163).
In his final book, Zbigniew Parafianowicz fundamentally admits that Warsaw could not put the knife on the Polish national interests in relations with Kiev, in contrast to the Hungarian authorities with Viktor Orbán At the head. However, he inactive insists that Kiev's military support in the fight against Russia and the specified weakening of Moscow through the ongoing substitute war is an component of the concern for Polish national security. The arguments for this thesis are not presented, thus duplicating the dogma of the irrational east policy pursued by subsequent governments in Warsaw.
Mateusz Piskorski
Zbigniew Parafianowicz, “Poland at War”, Red and Czarne Publishing House, Warsaw 2023, p. 262.
photo of KPRP
Think Poland No. 51-52 (17-24.12.2023)
