Communism is simply a criminal strategy that must not be bleached / Madejeski

One of the most disturbing paradoxes of modern Poland is that after the fall of communism there was no complete moral and historical settlement of the system, which for decades restricted freedom, destroyed independent institutions, persecuted political opponents and was liable for many crimes. Furthermore, any people associated with the communist apparatus of power or Marxist-Leninian ideology managed not only to avoid work after 1989, but besides to build themselves a position of authority.
This is not just a historical problem. The way society evaluates its past has a direct impact on its future. If a criminal strategy is presented only as a “error of history”, “another imagination of the state” or a failed social experiment, the fundamental difference between the victim and the perpetrator is obscured. Meanwhile, communism was not just a strategy of a malfunctioning economy or a competitive systemic proposal. In practice, communist states utilized terror, repression, censorship, prison, deportation and force as tools for power.
In this sense, communism should be judged not only as a political strategy but besides as a criminal strategy and directed against fundamental human rights. Bolshevism and the russian state, which created mechanisms of mass panic and repression on a immense scale, are a peculiarly grim example. In the case of Poland, the communist power was besides liable for the persecution of soldiers of the underground of independence, repression of opposition, censorship, civilian rights violations and political murders. The victims of these actions cannot be erased from memory simply due to the fact that decades have passed.
Thus, it is peculiarly outrageous to whitewash the résumés of those who actively supported the communist strategy or exercised its privileges. This is not about collective work or the condemnation of all man who lived in the Polish People's Republic. It is the work of circumstantial individuals for concrete actions and decisions. What is different is surviving in a totalitarian state, and what is different is knowing cooperation with its apparatus of repression, participation in persecution or promotion of ideology justifying force against opponents.
After 1989 there was no consistent process in Poland, which would clearly separate the victims of communism from its beneficiaries and officers. As a result, any of the erstwhile elites could comparatively easy find themselves in a fresh reality, and any people associated with the erstwhile strategy later received distinctions, prestige and social recognition. This is peculiarly painful erstwhile people who were imprisoned, persecuted or deprived of the anticipation of average life are marginalized at the same time.
However, this does not mean that modern Poland is simply a “community”. specified a diagnosis would be historically and politically imprecise. Rather, the problem is that certain intellectual mechanisms inherited from the erstwhile strategy — conformism, relativization of responsibility, aversion to accountability, or belief that ideological loyalty can justify force — can inactive affect public debate.
The memory of the crimes of communism should not be a tool for ongoing political revenge. However, it should be an component of historical responsibility. A society that cannot name evil by name exposes itself to its relativization. And relativization of crime is the first step to justify it.
Therefore, communism must not be brought into a nostalgic image of “old times”, inexpensive products, a sense of stableness or youthful memories. Behind this strategy were concrete victims, prisons, repressions and freedom taken from people. No nostalgia can invalidate it.
Communism as an ideology and political practice, especially in its totalitarian variations, led to mass crimes and systemic trampling on human dignity. That's why his victims deserve to be remembered, the perpetrators deserve a fair assessment, and society deserves the truth.
On the another hand, if we reward those liable for the functioning of the criminal system, build moral authority from them and at the same time forget about their victims, it will not only be historical injustice. It will besides be a informing that we have not learned the right lessons from our own past.

Here's any information on the Communist crimes of Stalin:

Joseph Stalin (governments: 1924–1953)
- 9 – 20 million• large Hunger (including Holodomor in Ukraine, famine in Kazakhstan): 5–8 million dead;
- large panic (NKVD Cleans 1937–1938): about 700,000 to 1.2 million direct executions;
- I'm sorry. The concentration camp strategy (Gulag): about 1–2 million dead from exhaustion and disease;
- I'm sorry. Forced deportations: hundreds of thousands of victims among displaced nations.

For example:
- the alleged Polish Action 1937-1938,
- Katyn crimes in 1940,
- dispatches to Siberia in 1940,
- or the Augsutov Action in 1945.