In 1935, the book by Jan Stachniuk “The Heroic Community of the Nation” on the issues of economical and social policy, which the author said should be implemented in the Second Republic, was published in print. It became a parallel, not only due to the date of appearance on the bookshop market, to the work of Adam Doboszyński’s “National Economy” published in the erstwhile year, but besides due to its character, as a holistic proposal on the same issue. Stachniuk presented his own imagination of the way of economical and social improvement for Poland, completely different not only from the Doboszyński concept, but besides from another economical theorists who stay in the ellipse of influence of liberal thought.
While “National Economy” was a position that sparked a broad interest, at least within the political camp of its author, the manifestation of which was 2 resumptions shortly after its publication (and the announcement in the pages of “National Thought” of the next edition scheduled for autumn 1939), the “Heroic community of the nation” passed without much echo, raising interest only in a few. 1 of them was Jan Mosdorf – at the time the erstwhile leader of the National extremist Camp, who, in the review "Simple from the Bridge", expressed rather warmth about the author, but at the same time did not intend to accept the proposals contained in it.
However, we will not be offended by specified a climate arising around the “Heroic...” but will look at the views of the author, due to the fact that in comparison with the book Doboszyński mentioned here, as well as another statements formulated in a akin spirit, it deals with issues of cardinal importance for both the Second Republic and later stages of the past of Poland and its inhabitants. It can even be assumed with large certainty that the emergence of Stachniuk and the critical group around him was equivalent to any innovative effort to remedy the interwar threat that existed throughout the 20th century, by making a immense effort to importantly increase its own potential. Therefore, it must be stressed that the author's environment of the "Heroic...", despite the comparatively tiny number of people associated with it, was disproportionately higher than a number of another political groups or tiny parties, which were not missing in the Second Republic, and which actually contributed very small to politics and social development.
Legacy of Polish Intelligence
One of the most crucial reasons for Stachniuk's protestive attitude was undoubtedly the state of economical thought, and even the full imagination of spiritual culture promoted within the young generation of national movement for respective years. The deconcentration of manufacture and recourse to the cultural and economical ideals of the mediate Ages proposed by Doboszyński and likewise oriented activists were unacceptable from the point of view of state security. At the same time, the economical sanctioning policy was not effective compared to the requirements of this security.
In the national camp, which was not strange, attention was paid to the threat of communism. The Doboszyński task seemed to meet specified a feeling, but it did so in an highly one-sided way. Both him and many another activists thought that eliminating proletariat as a social class, by nature susceptible to left-wing propaganda would be a good antidote to the threat from the east. The deconcentration of manufacture and the introduction of an economy based on a strategy of tiny workshops was intended to lead to the improvement of a wide layer of craftsmen – owners of tiny production workshops. This would change intellectual and ideological preferences and guarantee social governance. It was besides referred to the model of medieval society, where the characteristic strategy was to guarantee the existence of many owners of tiny workshops and destruct the anticipation of capitalist exploitation which later caused capitalism. However, it was forgotten about the request to make the appropriate industrial potential, which was, after all, a essential condition for the independent provision of the army, i.e. national security. At the same time, with the thought of changing the production infrastructure, the mentality of a man was promoted only on what belonged to the appropriate social state. Thus, in Poland, the very poorly educated proverbial "spirit of capitalism" was eliminated, i.e. a mentality characterizing a man dynamically moving forward, trying to exceed his state and to accomplish constantly more. The national publicist of that time promoted a static life model in a massive way. For this kind of attitudes, arguments were sought in the spiritual sphere and personalistic philosophy.
The period during which the formation of the “young” in the national camp was crystallized was broadly consistent with the duration of the major economical crisis. As 1 of the erstwhile young national camp activists, Wojciech Wasiutyński wrote after years, “on the people who grew up in the late 1920s and early 1930s, he put a dense mark on the economical crisis; young people from the 1930s took for granted that capitalism was ending (...) it was only about what after capitalism.” It was thought that a fresh era was beginning, which was all the more conducive to the improvement of thought, how to organize society and on what basis it should be based.
Going back a small bit, it must be remembered that Dmowski in the years of writing “The Thoughts of a Modern Pole” was critical of the Polish intelligent, considered to be a continuation of many cultural features of nobility. He made it clear what individual and cultural characteristics are worthy of support and promotion. His position coincides with the views of Polish sociology, which was besides critical of the Polish intellectual from the late 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. 1 of the representatives of this discipline is interesting. In his book “The past and the future of Polish intelligence”, he wrote: “Many features (This social group – B.G.) is the remains of the erstwhile noble Poland, these are the degenerate remains of the noble tradition, whose capitalism did not get distant with as elsewhere, due to the fact that it was besides weak and did not take over the noble mass, from which Polish intelligence formed".
Continuing his talks, he emphasized: “Capitalism in Poland has developed thanks to foreigners, with the very mediocre participation of Polish nobles. Polish intelligence developed as a byproduct, not as a pioneering component of capitalist development". He besides considered Dmowski's statements to be an accurate reflection of an interesting part of social culture.
Similar quotes could be multiplied. We will besides mention a fewer more of the characteristic statements here, due to the fact that the problem is highly crucial and, to this day, inactive present.
In summing up views on the 1 hand of Dmowski and sociologist Chałasiński, we get a image of circumstantial dualism within Polish consciousness at the turn of the century, and even later. The sphere of matters related to patriotism then merges into 1 full with cultural properties of passively oriented intelligent layers. In contrast, the dynamics of life and economical growth is accompanied by representatives of Polish society, those of neo-rich groups that are selfish and apolitical, which is to be understood and so that besides frequently indifferent to the content of Polish patriotism. Their intellectual qualities, which Dmowski initially appreciated, do not become part of this patriotism.
One of the activists of the younger national generation in the 1930s Zdzisław Stahl, the boy of Vice president of Lviv, who can be qualified as a scientist and publicist, confirms the cultural mechanisms mentioned above. He writes: “The conventional eternal concepts, the appropriate of our civilization, have always placed economical affairs, responsibilities and functions at the lowest social hierarchy” (“In the face of economical issues”).
In the light of the analysis of many statements concerning this area of life, it should be considered that the “young” national camp already in the first phase of creating their perfect basis took over most of the views on economical matters from Polish intelligence, recruiting mostly from its ranks. They turned their backs on the patterns of Western capitalism, accepted by Dmowski, at least at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, erstwhile “The thoughts of modern Pole” were formed.
The Youthful Worship of Statism
Over the years, however, he has already judged the properties of the Polish intelligent, which the layer had previously criticized. This is simply a separate issue that cannot be completely overlooked here. The question so arises as to why this happened and what factors affected the feeling of this problem by the leader of the national camp. In his writings, 1 can find a laconic message that the first form of the message that was initially carried with it by this political formation was not able to accept itself in the increasingly many social circles that it received. Indeed, the first lines of thought of the National Democracy were not later accepted by the majority of this party. Similarly, Dmowski, as evidenced by his successive statements increasing over the course of time, clearly moved his accents by approving the features of Polish intelligence, specified as any idealism combined with the ability to selfless sacrifice. As it seems as a consequence of specified a thought process seen in him in the years of the Camp of large Poland, at 1 pole he placed the guiding forces of industrialization tendencies, i.e. capital of an global nature, represented in Poland in the majority by abroad elements and the broadest liberalism, which theoretically justified free play of forces and appeared as a manifestation of "materialization" of human attitudes. On the another hand, he placed an altruistic and religiously-oriented Polish national ethos, designed to service as a moral and cultural basis of the ideology within the OWP. In the ellipse of the Youth Movement, the separation between “materialism” was officially accepted, besides associated with the dynamics of civilizational development, which besides expressed large designation of the advanced technology and acceptance of the conditions essential for its development, and the area of issues connected with the problems of the nation and Polish patriotism. This improvement at the ideological level was deepened by the spectrum of the large economical crisis from 1929 to 1933, which continued even longer in little developed countries, besides in Poland. Dmowski, and with him a young generation of nationalists, saw as a consequence of specified a improvement of the end of the industrial era and the decline in the material field, which would consequence in a complete reconstruction of the economical structure of highly industrialised countries. specified interpretations of the situation coincided, which should be stressed here strongly, with the economical mentality of the leading young generation of endec, mostly derived from conventional circles. And the liberal economical thought which prof. Roman Rybarski represented in this environment was marginalized and limited to a narrow group. Anti-industrial attitudes besides had another additional causes. The crisis causing unemployment and economical competition with the judaic component in Poland very numerous, created a favourable atmosphere for fresh economical ideas. Catholicism was besides of large importance, although, as can be read in the encyclical Quadragesimo anno he recognized industrialism as a lasting accomplishment of human civilization, but did not powerfully support those qualities of man that served the material improvement of societies. Published in 1927, the software brochure OWP, written by Dmowski, "Church, Nation and State" opened the gates of this environment to various inspirations coming out of the circles of conventional Catholicism. Consequently, Tomism begins to play the function of primary doctrine among the “young”. This is evident, for example, in the popular book Adam Doboszyński "National Economy", as well as in another ideological statements. As a manifestation of any fundamentalism, the thought of the "new mediate Ages" which appeared in Poland mainly due to the translation of the book by Russian philosopher Mikołaj Bierdjayev, with this title, which he translated into Polish in 1936 by 1 of the national activists. The main assumptions of Bierdjayev's book became a determinant of the youth doctrine of culture. This philosopher said: “Renaissance failed, reformation failed, and enlightenment failed. The revolutions inspired by the people of enlightenment have besides failed, and their hopes have broken.” Bierdjayev announced the planned regression and escape from the planet of technology and the fight against nature and the pursuit of its mastery and submission to man. The "new mediate Ages" proposed by him is simply a "rhythmic change of ages, a transition from rationalism to irrationalism". The influence of specified views is seen in the statements of many national politicians and publicists of the end of the Second Republic. Let us remind 1 of them – Karol Stefan Frycz writing in “National Thought”. He correlated the views of erstwhile promoters of his own camp, judging the Polish national interest as being inferior to the interest of "Latin civilization". He stressed that "the power and size of Poland are not goals in themselves". The generation of “young” rather widely rejected the thought of progress, fascinated by the statism of the mediate Ages. It was announced that the "sources" would return, knowing within this concept the values that the French revolution had removed. Protesting the effects of intellectual overheaval of enlightenment, the full 19th century was yet negated as an era of fast change and developing liberalism and socialism. Pre-revolutionary ancien government became a mention period and a mention point. Of course, which 1 cannot forget was condemned by utmost German nationalism, and over time and Italian fascism as directions diametrically different from their own and foreign. However, it was not entirely seen that both the economical model proposed by the popular “young” Doboszyński endeciation (the historian of this camp J. J. Terej called it “the god of the young”), the thought of deconcentration of manufacture and the advantage of agriculture, and, in the moral sphere, the criticism of “the pursuit of profit” and of substituting it with any material minimalism, could not give specified forces as would let them to defend themselves against this German chauvinism relentlessly in 1 form or another to the east and to Poland.
The concept of transforming the Polish economy into a network of tiny workshops would destruct the proletariat as a class, as if by definition susceptible to the slogans of communism or socialism. At the same time, as the supporters of this concept thought, it would supply more jobs than a mechanized mill production system. It should be kept in mind, however, that this was not a time-recommended project, which later took place in China, for example, but supported by an appropriate explanation of a strategy model considered to be perfect and expected to be "forever". At the same time, the mentality of a dynamic man, moving forward, always trying to do more, faster and more efficient. The psychology of the masses would be rather different from in the highly developed countries of the world, while the climate demonstrated on the pages "Thinkings of a Modern Pole" or in another texts "founding fathers" of the endetics (including Popławski or Balicki) would no longer be allowed to function. It is worth mentioning that any of Zygmunt Balicki's works were not resumed during the period under discussion for years, as in contrast to ‘Thinking....’ Dmowski was characterized by a much more precise language and the more they did not fit into the spirit spreading over time more and more among the “young ones”.
There is no place here to discuss the organizational past of this formation. The problem with the intellectual state of hundreds of thousands of citizens who are members of the National Party, their families and sympathizers who give their votes to this group in elections and who likewise feel the problems of Polish life and the Polish state is interesting for us.
Kontester
At the end of the 1920s in Poznań, as a student Jan Stachniuk begins his activity. It becomes a contester presented here in the telegraphic summary of the ideological changes taking place in the Polish national movement. During this period, beyond the borders of our country, dark clouds begin to gather, which after fewer years were to hang over the reborn Republic of Poland II. They slow get up from their knees defeated, but not quite, Germany. There is simply a spread of chauvinist and racist nationalism and revisionism towards Poland, which was besides a property of another political parties there. It besides carries the slogan of the spread of Germany to the broad territories of Central and east Europe. Thus, the era of the existence of the "national revolution" which Dmowski initially assessed as a fundamentally affirmative phenomenon yet generates the spectrum of destruction. On the another hand, the ideology of the young generation of the national camp does not show elements adequate to the situation. Although the national press even wishes to recover any of the lost lands in the past of the West, specified as parts of advanced Silesia or Mazury along with Warmia, they are intentions without material coverage, i.e. the anticipation of the Polish state implementing them.
Jan Stachniuk is just specified an ideology, which notes the shortcomings not only of individual endeck or later and of the Oenerovian concepts, but besides tries to analyse the cultural foundations of authoritative Polishness in terms of its resilience and ability to defend itself against the force of external forces. It undertakes ideological activities during the period during which the first five-year plans are being carried out in russian Russia, with the aim of providing the country with adequate industrial and, consequently, military potential. 1 of Stachniuk's first articles is called “Notes on the Piatilette”. He sees the ticks of hostile neighbours slow tightening around the Republic. He sees geopolitical conditions and the absolute request to radically increase his own possible as a condition of survival. Stachniuk's first books "Collectiveism and Nation" (1933) and "The Heroic Community of the Nation" (1935) become a political but economical and social belief. The second book was strictly parallel to the Doboszyński National Economy. In time, apart from calling for the initiation of intensive industrial improvement in the country, Stachniuk besides begins to make his own doctrine of culture. It sees the importance of cultural and intellectual issues behind economical processes and begins to look for the causes of the situation in which Poland is in this respect – and not only in the field of method issues. The full of his thought over time begins to call it "culturalism". This is simply a concept directed straight against the perfect of the "new mediate Ages", referring to the achievements of various researchers of relations between religions and economical life. Among the footnotes in his texts can be found specified names as Max Weber and his well-known work "Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism" and the accomplishment of another researchers of the problem. From Stachniuk's views, the influence of various constatations of Stanisław Brzozowski at the same time.
Another book by Stachniuk is “Acts of No past – the explanation of the interior improvement of Poland”, published on the eve of the war. A small earlier, due to the fact that in the autumn of 1937 the monthly magazine “Zapuga – a magazine of Polish nationalists” begins to appear, around which a fresh environment is created to become the origin of a wider social movement.
Let us take a closer look at what Stachniuk brought to the level of social and political thought and how he saw not only contemporary problems, but besides earlier Polish problems.
It was undisputed for him that the civilizational concept represented by the "young"ness and akin environments was incapable to save the independent Polish state in the long run. After all, the quantitative successes of this camp in terms of public support by themselves could in no case warrant affirmative results in the clash with the imperialism of their neighbours. besides liberal economical solutions inactive present in the national camp during these years, even in the form of the writing activity of prof. Rybarski, did not bode for successful results. Any success obtained in accordance with specified a recipe would require quite a few time and a different mentality than the 1 represented by most Poles. The economical activities of the governments of the Second Republic and the projects undertaken at that time, specified as the Central Industrial District, the port in Gdynia and others, were a drop in the sea of needs and, as the course of events showed, did not contribute sufficiently to reverse the disaster which occurred in September 1939.
Stachniuk and his supporters thought of a very profound redevelopment of the full society, including the spread of a fresh worldview, which they called "culturalism". An example that not only bothered but could tempt any was the management practice applied in the five-year plans in russian Russia. The leader of the Zadrug group thought that the Marxism-Leninism explanation there was just a cover to manipulate society. The “class fight” and another “sciences” promoted in the east treated as a game of appearances. However, as an crucial truth, he perceived factors specified as russian state capitalism and the subjection of citizens to the implementation of top-down economical plans. The russian state was for him the only capitalist in the country, which facilitated capitalization and investment. Stachniuk himself was a supporter of “collectiveism” in the sense of a closely interlinked nation able to undertake even immense tasks that would not necessarily service the hedonist expectations of individuals. Poles were accused of ‘personalism’, which until the end of the Second Republic was considered to be the main drawback of the Polish national character. Thus, on the pages of his publication appeared a “new man” whose property was to be the ability to transcend himself and dynamic action to accomplish not individual goals, but those set by the steering centre. This would affect the transformation and mastering of "naturen nutrients". So it was a form of ideology of work already occurring in Brzozowski, who did not make any closed system. In Stachniuk, as in the thinker mentioned, there was a link between the thought of a nation and the thought of work. So the productivity of the individual became important, not the improvement of its personality, to which personalism was to inspire. This second goal was recognized by Stachniuk's ellipse as a selfish luxury not serving the general public. Under specified conditions, the objectives of the full nation understood as a compact collective and the state of its organization would be fulfilled.
Such a prospect, with the request for intense capitalisation, entailed any planned lowering of the standard of surviving and alignment of material standards between social classes. So Stachniuk expected circumstantial heroism not so much on battlefields, but on a regular basis, in dense labour and enthusiasm of citizens, caused by collective successes. small wonder that his economical book included the word “heroic community” in the title.
This concept, of course, had nothing to do with the ideas functioning simultaneously in the national camp, even though both in Zadruga and in that camp there was talk about nationalism.
Stachniuk and endeci
Stachniuk himself, erstwhile coming to Poznań from the Volynian Kowl, began his political contacts with the All-Polish Youth. However, the climate there proved unacceptable to him. This "personalism", deficiency of dynamics and another features of the Polish intellectual layers mentioned above disgusted him and prompted him to halt contacts. So he was found rather rapidly in the Union of Polish Democratic Youth, which was not so much in line with his views, which was marked by large tolerance and deficiency of imposing an authoritative pattern on members. It was in a magazine published by this organization entitled “University Life” that he published his first article “Notes about the Piatilette”.
At the end of the interwar period, respective articles expressing appreciation for Dmowski, or alternatively for the early phase of his perfect activity, erstwhile “The Thoughts of a Modern Pole” and akin writings assessing Polish reality were created. However, 1 of the articles in that magazine contains a text entitled “At the Sources of Dmowski’s Proclaim”. It corresponds with the insignificant message of this policy, in which it states that the first line of National Democracy was later forgotten in the ranks of the party. Stachniuk and his supporters suggested that they feel as continuationrs of the heritage of early endeciation and feel as depositaries of “true nationalism”.
While Stachniuk's book works were not of large interest, as they promoted a strategy of values that did not suit the perception of the general Polish elite at the time, it is not possible to say that they passed completely without an echo. For example, the “Heroic community of the nation” has experienced a critical, though not lacking certain elements of knowing of the reviews of John Mosdorf. However, the situation has changed since the release of “Todays No past – the explanation of the interior improvement of Poland”. This book depreciated the function of Catholicism in the modern past of the Republic and as specified could not origin harsh criticism. Moreover, the time of its spread, which was already the German business period, was rightly irritated, as it was thought to weaken the spirit and belief in its own strength, which was indeed a very crucial substance at the time.
Stachniuk as the author of “Todays No Lives... ” seems to have been the creator of the accounts of well-known sociologist Max Weber, the author of a loud and acclaimed work entitled “The Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism”. The book attributes this confession to the function of a pacemaker of human energy causing dynamic attitudes in the field of regular work, triggering development, which in parallel was not achieved by most Catholic countries in Europe. Stachniuk then paid attention to another large religions in the planet and their function in shaping economical attitudes among believers. On this path, he wanted to enter the function of theoretician dealing with the general problem of the relationship: religion and the sphere of economics. He distinguished the "culture" meaning predispositions to master the planet of nature and subjugate it to man, from the "spaculature"—the sum of attitudes and beliefs in a fundamental way distracting from this task. The large religions of the planet were actually to be part of this sphere. However, we will not make this issue here, due to the fact that it does not straight concern our subject, the Stachniuk criticism of the "young" national camp and their ideas.
While Weber's explanation inactive enjoys designation to this day, the inspiration of its transmission to Poland seems to be exaggerated. In his reflections on Poland, Stachniuk completely ignored factors another than spiritual ones. These included the system, the monopolistic function of the nobility, the underdevelopment of the cities and another features of the state's construction, which caused social and economical backwardness, and yet besides military inability. He did not announcement that in the area of Poland we had (and to any degree inactive have) cultural differences, resulting from the belonging of Polish lands in the age of partitions to 3 different countries, with different culture, degree of improvement and religion. He besides did not realize that the mentality of the inhabitants of the erstwhile Prussian partition, which he met during his studies, or even more advanced Silesia, was different from that of Catholic areas. As it turns out, not religion, but being influenced by another culture was decisive. Today, Catholic Bavaria is considered the richest part of Germany. And Catholic pre-revolutionary France in early modern times functioned as a highly developed country, a model for the remainder of Europe. So the question is: wasn't Stachniuk's eyes besides schematic?
While studying the publication of the national camp from the 1920s and 1930s and the writings of Stachniuk in parallel for a number of years, 1 cannot defy the impression that the leader of the Second decently criticized the crucial statements of young nationalists, and that in his imagination they were the real example of Catholicism. It is interesting that 1 of the leaders' associates, the other, together with him tried in the Polish People's Republic and sentenced to respective years in prison, Bogusław Stępiński, in talks with the author of this article expressed the belief that after
The Second Vatican Council of Stachniuk would have taken a different position on Catholicism. This is, indeed, already a sphere of conjecture that cannot be verified today, even due to the death of the people called here. However, this must be mentioned.
Karol Stefan Frycz, a writer from “National Thought” in the late 1930s, described in his article “The perfect of the Polish court” the form of contemporary spiritual earth culture, emphasized its staticity and a dynamicity, expressing his approval for it. As he stated, “this is simply a culture of continuity”. Her perfect was to be “luck in silence.” He besides attributed this culture to another social layers in Poland, recognizing it as a national feature. Stachniuk utilized the same values to delete. Poland Adam Doboszyński, Karol Stefan Frycz, editor of Stanisław Piasecki's “Simple from the Bridge” ruled with values another than the ideals of the creator Zasecond. The traditionalism of the first, taking even the properties of fundamentalism ("new mediate Ages"), collided with the apotheosis of the dynamics of the second, the parallel dualism of good and evil, strength and weakness.
Team against Communist totalizm
Stachniuk's imagination at the time, however, had no chance of attracting wider circles of Polish society. In the years of occupation, apart from fundamental considerations, specified profound reassessments were dangerous. In a hard business situation, failure of respect for one’s identity could lead to very adverse effects. During the years of communism, which besides wanted to declare the nations under his rule, the same reason was inactive valid. Furthermore, totalitarian communism automatically eliminated all "novices" who would like to compete in their own hands with authoritative ideology. That is what determined the destiny of Stachniuk and respective of his companions. After all, the sad fates of various undesirables by totalitarian reformers were already known. It should besides be noted that, while already in Poland, the post-Syaltan leader, the Second, did not solidarity with the then resistance. In addition to his belief that he was doomed to defeat, he saw in him a bearer of values that he himself fought against. any elements of the fresh government were even close to him. He argued that the industrialization program for which the government was forging was worthy of support. any another parties, specified as the PSL, considered that the land recovered so valuable to the Polish economy that it was enough. He constantly had material disparities between Poland and Germany, which had to be filled as rapidly as possible. He was convinced that after the war, for now pacified, “Germany would emergence again from its knees.” As we see today, reality has confirmed its assumptions. He continued to believe that a successful expansion programme of Poland required a change of mentality. However, pushing specified a presumption collided with the fresh authority's Marxist doctrine. Thus, Stachniuk became a kind of "bubbler" and as specified had to be eliminated. Unlike Bolesław Piasecki, he could not appeal to any crucial social group and play the function of a bridge between the fresh power and it. Zatruga was a tiny group. Therefore, despite trying to find 1 modus vivendi with the regime, he was incapable to get approval to reactivate his movement and establish a Cultural Reconstruction Institute, which would deal with the desired transformations of the mentality of Poles, which he called the cultural revolution in Poland. These matters remained only wishful thinking. The traces of specified attempts are the then texts of Stachniuk, and in peculiar the book "Fight for Principles – Second Front of the 3rd Republic". A summary of the views on the nature and scope of the desired changes is above all another book “The Way of the Cultural Revolution in Poland. survey of National Psychology Reconstruction". It was not printed in communist times, as it suggested reforms that were incompatible with the political climate at the time. It was not published until 2006, in a peculiar publication called "Toporał", intended primarily for issuing Stachniuk's position and stimulating his interest in thinking. In the “Dear Revolution...” the author tried to represent in a synthetic way the actions he advocated for cultural reconstruction. There is simply a revision of the Polish literature, which reproduces certain values that form man, Polish art, the present view of national past and another aspects of life. This book is rather chaotic. After reading it may seem that the author lacked detailed knowledge, or time in the final phase of his activity before the Communist government was arrested, to clearly and exhaustively clarify his own proposals for changes in relation to specified a wide scope of issues. The book so leaves a considerable deficiency of satisfaction, indicating only about the direction postulated by the author of transformations.
The goal that Stachniuk intended to accomplish was “heroic”, binding very strong nodes of human individuals together, “community of the nation”. This concept appears already in 1935, part of the title of his proposal for an economical system. So understood heroism, consisting not in individual acts of valor, which is not so uncommon in history, but in constant and stubborn effort, is characteristic of this author. “The nation,” Stachniuk wrote, must become like an assault squad, which, although in its component members – single soldiers – feels consumer needs, is not the intent of the branch itself. specified words can be frightening to many. Thus, in seeking to grow the foundations of the nation, we will gotta enter 1 of the roads leading to accumulation to give us the means to build. "Codification of the life rate, simplification of consumption, standardisation of needs and the negation of consumption based on needs that are historically but objectively unwarranted – these are the broad lines of economical policy. It is possible to think only in a spiritual society heroic enthusiasmIt’s okay. ”
While the worldview profile of Stachniuk and the Second and goals of rebuilding the spiritual culture of Poles were completely opposed to the propositions of the “young” nationalists concentrated in the 1930s in the National Party, as well as in ONR-ABC, supporters of Bolesław Piasecki – leader of RNR Falangi – have already represented many features that are a contradiction of cultural traditionalism. Although all 3 organizations mentioned here continued to be under the banner of the Catholic State of the Polish Nation, it must be admitted, however, that the first 2 were importantly different from Falanga. Within Falanga, the thought of the fresh mediate Ages was understood, primarily perceived as denying criticized and disliked individualism. There are besides words of negative attitude to the economical concept of Doboszyński, which actually meant physical disarmament of the country. besides ironic was the contemporary edition of Jędrzej Giertych's book "Tragism of the fates of Poland", which caused the collapse of the First Republic in the 18th century mainly in the activity of masonry, forgetting the mistakes of Poles themselves. The Falangi ellipse was aware of the political threats that already marked the borders of Poland in the 1930s.
First of all, it is worth noting the innovation of the doctrine of Stachniuk compared to another nationalist environments in Poland. So we halt at just pointing to those points where there were certain similarities. The most of them were in the intellectual sphere, while the language in Stachniuk and Faland was frequently rather different. In both of the late mentioned groups, industrial improvement was important, the planned economy was important. Based on the Catholic view of the world, Falanga stressed at the same time the request for dynamic improvement and improvement of a dynamic man who, utilizing the methods of the planned economy, could work effectively to compensate for differences existing between Poland and developed countries of Europe. It would be hard to find there tons demonstrated e.g. in "National Thought" by K. S. Frycz or by choir of another insignificant publicists writing in this weekly magazine and ideally close to his writings.
Assessment sample
Looking at the activities of John Stachniuk and his group today, it is crucial to see many valuable elements, but besides much unacceptable. Excessive criticism of Catholicism combined with a deficiency of awareness of many factors of non-religious prowess, which have had a very bad impact on the improvement of the First Republic is simply a large mistake. This is simply a cognitive and tactical error. The Second Leader decently fought against a certain form of spiritual culture that was formed in a symbiosis with Catholicism, but was not unequivocal with it. Today, after the Second Vatican Council, perspectives are different. Appreciation in the Church of Work as Values (Labor Exercens) and the expanded spectrum of problems of the modern planet taken into account in its teaching changed the situation. Here we can ask whether Stachniuk with his doctrine is just a monument to the past? This question needs to be answered twice – partially confirming, but besides partially negative. It combated a neo-medial imagination of civilization, which in Poland did not give any view of any progress. He has acted against the Polish qualities that service to stay in the tail of leading nations and prone to ignorance and disregard all the dangers that, due to our hard geopolitical situation, accompany us in any changed form to this day. He correctly foretold that Germany would emergence again from its knees after the war defeat, and we must not forget that. He protested frequently detached from reality idealism not based on solid material brackets, having at least part of the erstwhile elites as well as the disadvantages of broad circles of society, mostly due to the country's underdevelopment.
Of course, there are those who treated Stachniuk's doctrine as an inviolable canon. However, there were not many. After all, there is another way of treating the various thoughts, theories, doctrine that should be referred to and the legacy of the Second. By stripping it apart, the reasoning reader frequently leads to his consciousness unknown issues and mechanisms. It starts to learn about them on its own, starts its explanation capabilities and frequently something fresh comes up. A well-known French sociologist Raymond Aron in his book "The End of the Age of ideologies", writing mainly about communism, announced the end of the eruption of various alleged "total truths", or systems that effort to respond to almost all phenomena of social life. Without being offended by this approach to the issue, let us treat Stachniuk's books as a certain starter that gives you a thought – it inspires, but does not subjugate the reader entirely. Its general rule of comprehensive dynamization of Polish life and the creation of possible according to our geopolitical situation is simply a kind of "plomba" overly understood Polish national ideology, which for a long time neglected issues of material improvement of Poland, which translated into its general potential. It was missing in 1939, may be missing and in the future.
The individual experiences of the author of this text, who, as a tiny boy, saw the tragedy of the Warsaw Uprising with his own eyes, force without appeal the belief that building your own strength means an ethical task. past teaches that on a political level it is not to invent theoretical systems of advanced morals and to wait for their salvific results. The deficiency of its own adequate strength meant the failure of more than 5 million citizens' lives and this cannot be forgotten.
The article was published in the 24th issue of “National Policy”.
