How to fix the Polish state?

The article was based on a speech made during the debate “How to fix the Polish state?”, held on 30 October 2023 as part of XVIII civilian Congress "Poland of next day – fresh opening".

Why is change needed?

In shaping fresh solutions, we must remember good and bad experiences from the past. Otherwise, it is easy to replicate errors, take unnecessary action and not make adequate usage of objectively available resources. Changes must take into account the social, cultural, historical, systemic, political, economical and global conditions of Poland and the key features of the decision-making environment, including the volatility and crucial unprogrammability of the situation and the inconsistencies of criteria and requirements.

Experience gained in the process leading to our national success in the period since the 1989 political breakthrough should be used. During the 3 successive constitutional orders and functioning (counting the current) 20 governments came into the state system, political system, governance mechanisms and administrative system, extended over time, a peaceful change of revolutionary character. Under the 3 stages: systemic change, European transformation and (still ongoing, although disrupted after 2015) qualitative modernisation not only rejected the solutions of the socialist state but besides implemented the solutions of the democratic regulation of law, the economical system, institutions and principles and standards of action of public authorities were rebuilt.

During the 3 successive constitutional orders and functioning (counting the current) 20 governments came into the state system, political system, governance mechanisms and administrative system, extended over time, a peaceful change of a revolutionary nature.

The area within which all corrective action needs to be placed is the current systemic model, which consists of: 3 divisions of authorities; a parliamentary strategy with dualist executive power and a strong position of local government; an organization and functional structure of multi-centric, multi-level, as well as a multi-lane model of governance; as well as rules of operation of public authorities on the basis of and within the limits of law and political pluralism. These solutions are not risk-free due to the fact that they already have a constitutional pattern and so are not epidural.

Changes must be sought in the order prescribed by the Constitution, not in attempts to amend the text of this basic law. The 1997 Constitution is inactive the current weapon in the hands of all those who do not want an undemocratic Poland, isolated in the world, preferring the peculiar interests of ruling over the interests of society or without the regulation of law. In the planet of Poland's membership of the European Union and NATO and the progressive changes in political culture of a large part of society, the constitution is an anchor blocking dysfunctional activities in relation to Polish interests and forms the basis for sustainable development.

Conflicting the concept of governance

Lessons should be drawn from the fact that in 2015 in a rivalry of liberal and pro-European concept supporters with conservation task spokespersons, exposing the threat of national interests, the second won in the democratic elections. Why did we have specified an election decision at the time? Did fatigue of change and ruling, disturbed balance, trauma associated with extraordinary events (including the crash of the presidential plane) prevail? Or possibly failure was decided by the errors of the liberal concept:

1. deficiencies in distribution of benefits from change and negligence of the weaker;
2. insufficient designation of the laws governing human reactions – deficiency of awareness that human attitudes are not only about facts, but besides about emotions and visions and narratives;
3. not taking into account the fact that there can be no effective governance without cognition of the political and legal culture of society, without recognizing the circumstantial "private theories of reality" that find the direction of political thinking;
4. attempt to build a liberal community without adequate consideration of national themes;
5. confusion of the concept of an ancillary state with a country absent in matters of human importance;
6. no thought of reducing distrust in public life;
7. the deficiency of a affirmative mobilization contribution, a communicative containing large projects?

Clearing accounts are needed, but above all: blocking the mechanisms for corrupting the state and society by the rulers.

It is essential to respond in the form of a mature evaluation audit (specific beginning report) to the question of which strategy fuses of democracy and improvement have been shut down in Poland during the last 8 years and why this has become possible. Democratic power does not gotta mean democratic governance. Blocks are needed, frequently without the request for legislative changes, limiting the following possibilities:

1. to decision the centre of political ownership to the constitutionally freed leadership of the dominant political group parliament;
2. violation of the regulation of three-partition of authorities (also in the agreements: legislative and executive power by instigation in government offices of 1 100 and tens of Members who are later to settle this government);
3. identification of the sovereign's will with the immediate interests of the ruling party;
4. eliminating the impact on the public affairs of minorities;
5. using state ownership to service the interests of the ruling;
6. politicalisation of state support interventions;
7. Regulation by law alternatively than by law;
8. extending political power over the economy by nationalising and monopolising full sectors of the economy;
9. limiting local government;
10. to focus reasoning about patriotic effort not on improvement and success, but on the donation of blood and the fight against others.

Clearing accounts are needed, but above all: blocking the mechanisms for corrupting the state and society by the rulers.

Democratic power does not gotta mean democratic governance.

The parliamentary elections on October 15, 2023 were preceded by a brutal, mostly non-programme debate-free, electoral run from which the main conclusion comes: it is no longer possible to "make politics" without noticing how the Polish society has changed, including the advent of an era of individual mass communication on the Internet. The fundamental question is how to keep a bond with society on grounds freed from populism.

We can say that the parliamentary elections have besides shown a large deal of capital, which requires maintaining day-to-day governance. More than 74% of voters (22 million people – over 3.5 million more than in 2019) felt that the vote made sense – that it was possible to co-decide through an election card. About 11.6 million citizens indicated that a change was needed in the country, trusted the coalitions of KO, TD and Left. On the another hand, 7.6 million (1/3 of voters) said yes to the 3rd word of the PiS.

The parliamentary election was preceded by a brutal campaign, mostly free of programme discussion, from which the main conclusion comes: it is no longer possible to "make politics" without noticing how the Polish society has changed.

Repairing the state with a task for fresh power

At the same time, government must reconstruct assurance in the state and, in many cases, reorganise institutions, procedures, relations and human resources in a fresh way. This requires the ability to regulation coalition with a diverse profile of the parties forming part of the ruling camp and with overlapping aspirations of politicians.

There is besides a request for the ability to govern against the hostile opposition, as well as the associated head of state, and a number of institutions that are besides negative towards the fresh ruling squad (including the Constitutional Court, the National Bank of Poland). It will surely proceed to face narratives on axiological, social, political, economic, power technology, relations with another countries and global actors, as well as images.

It is crucial for the fresh power to be modernised subject to the task of improving the quality of the state and public space, and to better safeguard the creation and enforcement of the law and policies. The demands and standards of non-violent action must be taken into account; taking into account the control of corruption (politically also) but besides the regulation of law, transparent, effective, responsible, accountable, accountable, interactive, free expression of public opinion.

The demands of co-creation of the state are highly important:

1. strong, efficient and at the same time capable of self-limiting in areas where the actions of individual citizens and various intermediate structures are sufficient;
2. taking into account the requirements of social justice and dialog and cooperation with non-governmental partners in taking and implementing decisions of peculiar social importance;
3. ensuring the strengthening of instruments determining the success of the protection of citizens' rights and freedoms and eliminating political corruption and the dishonesty of public officials;
4. with a more transparent regulation of the financing of political and organization activities and of the flows between state and political cash;
5. exhibiting solutions to strengthen the capacity to make and implement policies aimed at the common interest and limiting the anticipation of carrying out peculiar interests, including a clear separation of the institutions liable for programming and controlling the performance of tasks from the institutions liable for carrying out those tasks;
6. with a staff policy in public institutions based on the criteria of expertise and integrity and clear civilian service principles;
7. with the primacy of territorial union over the strategy of industrial divisions;
8. using regional policy options;
9. with the actual participation of local government in public authority.

Active society must not be formed in an environment of collective doctrines leading to overdrive. A reserve of innovative organisation of activities and fresh technologies, public consultation, social and political agreements, as well as public-private and public-social partnerships must be reached.