When Simon Holovnia appeared on the political phase in 2020, it seemed that something fresh was yet coming. A journalist, a Catholic, a media man, without organization roots, promised to change the kind of politics – without aggression, without cynicism, without division into "tribes".
His social movement was to be a consequence to the fatigue of society with the conflict of PO-PiS. 5 years later, after this idea, only a shadow remained: a marginal position in the Sejm, an expanding number of departures from the club, a decline in support and expanding tensions with coalition partners.
From Phenomenon to Routine
The Holown Phenomenon was mostly medial. It's built on emotion, not structure. He offered a promise of “normality”, “honesty”, “new quality”, which could not be verified until there was a confrontation with real politics. At a time erstwhile decisions had to be made, compromises, business disputes, this idealistic model began to break.
Many voters attracted its authenticity, but the same authenticity besides proved to be a restriction. The holovnia could not decision from commentator to leader. alternatively of building a permanent structure, he formed a ellipse of followers around him convinced of the mission but incapable to act beyond his individual authority.
Structural weakness of the project
The Polish 2050 movement has never been a organization in the classical sense. He had no local structures capable of campaigning, recruiting or controlling finance. It was based on volunteering and enthusiasm, which yet evaporated. erstwhile the emotion went out, there was nothing to keep the organization alive.
This weakness became peculiarly apparent after the entry into parliament. The deficiency of people to fill functions, the deficiency of expert facilities, the deficiency of mid-level politicians who could operate on their own in the field – all this made Poland 2050 a organization of 1 man.
Marriage by Reason
Coalition with the Polish People's organization was a forced move. Hołownia needed a partner who would give him structure and experience, PSL – a younger, fresher leader who would distract attention from the tired image of the people. However, cultural and intellectual differences between the 2 formations were besides large.
For PSL, politics is simply a regular practice – compromise, negotiation, business. It was expected to be a moral crusade for Holowna. The collision of these 2 worlds must have ended in conflict. After the 2023 election, it was evident that it was the Holovnia that was losing influence, and its function was limited to the representation function.
Moment of failure of credibility
The breakthrough was revealed in the media the fact of Holownia's secret gathering with Jarosław Kaczyński. Regardless of the real motives of the conversation, its very secrecy undermined the credibility of the leader, who over the years defined himself as an opponent of the policy kind cultivated by the PiS. For many sympathizers it was a signal that "new policy" The hoard does not truly disagree from the old 1 – it differs only in language and packaging.
From that minute on, the erosion process of support has accelerated, and the project, which was to be a civic movement, was increasingly like a lone effort to last the leader.
Marshal on his way to the Palace
For Hołownia, taking the function of Marshal of the Sejm was not only a nobility but besides an component of a long-term strategy – a step towards the Presidential Palace. In the image of the leader himself, this was to confirm his ability to "state" think and build the authority of a supraparty arbitrator. Reality rapidly verified these ambitions.
Already in 2020 ed. Baryła wrote about him (“Our President. nonsubjective review of candidates”):
Szymon Hołownia, 43, unpartisan, secondary education, paired with a pen, lives in Otwock. individual who has gone to the novitiate and then returned to the civilian cannot be taken seriously (...). The holovnia tried to be a friar, a psychologist, a writer, a journalist, a tv presenter, a celebrity... but no of these activities brought him any crucial success or designation or money. Now he's trying to be president.
This diagnosis – then possibly besides severe – proved correct after respective years. The holovnia couldn't usage the marshal as a trampoline for something bigger. alternatively of authority, she brought him disappointment, and his presidential aspirations, present almost openly, seem to be lacking in the background and political sense.
Leadership style
The appointment of the marshal was to be a proof of maturity and capacity for state thinking. Meanwhile, this position became a trap for Holowna. In order to give the office a fresh speech – more civic, little hierarchical – he lost the seriousness and distance essential to keep authority.
His kind of communication, based on emotions and social media, increasingly contrasted with the formal character of the office. Reactions to criticism, press conferences full of individual themes, exaggerated gestures – all of this seemed insecure and inexperienced. alternatively of a fresh quality – we felt chaos.
Erosion of support
Within 2 years of the election, the number of Polish 2050 was almost halved. The departures from the club, discouragement of activists and the increasingly clear distance of voters confirm that Holownia's formation has ceased to be seen as a viable alternative. In addition, the "third way electorate" was mostly absorbed by the Civic Platform, which effectively managed the voters of the measure.
For Holownia itself, this means losing influence and prospects for the political future. Attempts to correct the course – erstwhile conservative, erstwhile liberal – only deepened the feeling of inconsistency.
The phenomenon of ephemeral leaders
The hoard is no exception. During the last 3 decades, Polish politics have known many akin cases. From Lech Wałęsa and his Unparty improvement Support Block, through the Palikot Movement, Modern Richard Petr, Kukiz’15, to the Spring of Robert Biedron – all these formations were formed around a strong name and emotion of the moment. They would usually shine intensely, gather disillusioned voters around them, then fade away, leaving behind permanent structures or ideas.
The mechanics is always the same: individual authority replaces the program, emotion – strategy, and media visibility – organizational work. As a result, the political scene is temporarily broken and voters – even more confused.
A Lesson for Politics
Simon Holown's communicative is actually a communicative about the fact that in politics it is impossible to replace institutions with emotion and structures with social media. The task to be the beginning of the fresh era was an episode.
The holovnia wanted to build a movement based on values and sensitivity, but it lacked backroom, strategy and patience. The “new policy” lost not due to the fact that it was incorrect to assume, but due to the fact that it did not have the tools to last the collision with the real planet of institutions, ambitions and interests.
→ I.R. Parchatkiewicz
12.10.2025
• college: barma Tribunal newspaper
• more author texts: > Here.
• more about Holownia: > Here.
