“In the late 1980s, erstwhile the country was in a immense crisis, “Solidarity” was no longer a crucial force. However, the Communists decided to share power with her.
– In the russian Union, the experimentation of building a consumer society has completely failed, Moscow besides lost economically the arms race. The June election was held after Gorbachev's negotiations with Reagan (Geneva 1985, Reykjavík 1986 – author's example) and after the agreement reached by Jaruzelski with Rockefeller (1985). The cards were distributed, and both sides were very weak. If “Solidarity” had not then sat down to talk to the authority, then sooner or later individual else would have sat down: Combating Solidarity, KPN, anarchists, PPS Ikonowicz, the Youth Fighting Federation.
– Already after the introduction of martial law, any economists, besides associated with the authorities, proposed, while maintaining the political monopoly of the PZPR, to introduce marketplace rules in the economy, as was done in China.
– Given the scale, the example of South Korea would be more appropriate. However, remember that Jaruzelski was not General Park (President of Korea). He could not afford to shoot people with the frequency and effect of Park, erstwhile he introduced marketplace reforms with an iron consequence (the president was shot by his intelligence chief – the author). The Communists did not have the strength and public support to carry out reforms that would gotta lead to impoverishment of full social groups, as we have seen since 1990. Therefore, it is frequently considered "Solidarity" of 1989 to be a group of very naive politicians who most likely did not full realize what problems, social shocks await them after taking power and turning to the West.
– During the circular Table, could the opposition gain more?
– surely more power could have been lost. First of all, she lost the issue of election ordination to the Senate. The consent to something that reminded JOWs (single-mandate electoral districts) automatically introduced a plebiscite mechanics that the power had to lose. In addition, the divisions that existed in the widely understood "Solidarity" and came out around 1992 could have started in 1989. The thought of a national list was good, provided there was no barrier to 50% of the vote. Let us remember that in the Northern and Western Lands, outside the large cities, in the June elections, power did not fall ill. For this, Wałęsa's squad gained 150 percent of what was possible, gaining a fewer weeks after the June elections power and comparatively rapidly besides strength resorts.
