At the memories of Hippolyt Korwin Milewski seventy years of memories (1855-1925), I came to be a complete coincidence. The proposal to acquisition a copy of the book of the first post-war edition of 1993, published by the Wydawnictwo Oficyna "Grif", practically under the counter, was received in the friendly Warsaw antiquariat Gryf.
The edition is preceded by the preface of 2 professors: Andrzej Szwarc and Paweł Wieczorkiewicz. The taste of this edition is given by the fact that the book was printed in Russia. possibly shortly specified books will be banned in Poland. The next edition took place in 2016, but it is not as popular as in Gryfa. The noble professors, in an excellent way, introduced Korwin-Milewski's memories into the atmosphere, paying attention to both the characteristic features of the author of the memoirs and the historical background of events that became his part.
Life communicative
Hipolit Milewski was born in 1948 to the Earth household of the Milewski coat of arms of Blindowron. His individual life was primarily a conflict with Ignacy’s older brother. The brothers competed with each other, had impetuous characters and a cut tongue, which in the case of Hippolyta besides carried positives to colour his memories and give him authenticity. Hippolyt was versatilely gifted, not only operating with a pen but he could be a parallel patron of art or a very active activist of the Vilnius Agricultural Society. It rapidly hit the leader of the Earth's Vilnius province. He was a conservative liberal. In 1904, along with a group of 60 landowners, he took part in the unveiling of the monument of Catherine II in Vilnius. Interestingly, this motion was condemned by the end of National Democracy. shortly for balance, however, he became active in the construction of the Adam Mickiewicz monument. In the breakthrough of 1905, he began publishing texts on systemic issues in Russia in both the French and Vilnius press. He then besides became the publisher of “Kurier Lithuanian”. A year later, he became a associate of the Russian State Council. In his activities, he promoted gradual improvement of the state's strategy towards the simplification of autocracy.
W The council was a character powerfully distinguished as a swordsman of words and a man of a severe tongue. Although he was even more successful in the subsequent elections, due to the deficiency of approval for tightening the course to the Russian authorities from the Kresowy ellipse of Polish representatives in the State Council he resigned from holding a mandate. In 1915 he brokered talks between the Russian administration and the Polish National Committee. After the meetings with Dmowski, he submitted a memorial to the Russian authorities with demands for immediate reforms, which he would have set more favourably to Russia Polish society.
Seeing the fiasco of these actions, he decided to influence the Russian authorities through his contacts in government spheres in France. Milewski, a conservative settler, decided to break up with Russia. In Paris, due to the differences in character between him and Dmowski, he did not act in the KNP, though he did actually conduct the endektic actions. The disappointment ended with his audience at Piłsudski, the last crucial manifestation of political commitment. Milewski did not share Piłsudski's imagination of the creation of buffer national states between Poland and Russia. He denied the national identity of Lithuanians and Belarusians, did not deny it to Ukrainians, but felt that they did not have the capacity to make a permanent statehood. He died in 1932 in Poznań, claiming to be a life bankrupt, who came to observe the collapse of the Earth's planet as he knew it.
Despite the critical assessment of his own life, his memories due to extended contacts in the country and abroad, the ability to put words on paper and a breakthrough moment, in the past of the Polish nation in which he came to live, can be an excellent complement to the cognition of that era even at the academic level.
About Dmowski
The first mentioned mention of Dmowski is connected with the converging assessment of both politicians regarding the January Uprising. The eloquent passage of the diary should be recalled here entirely due to its pronunciation:
"Many things disagree me from Mr. Roman Dmowski's views and methods of action; and yet I would warmly shake him for the fact that in his last book "How to rebuild Poland" he had the first hope of our political corpheus honesty and courage to say this sentence, that all our uprisings, which broke out not in time, should be considered due to their leaders not due to their leaderships, but due to their hard work towards the homeland of guilt. As the eloquent Paderewski in Vilnius later said, it is not lawful to walk with a torch close the arms of the family; he who does this and the hair ignites, though he burns himself painfully, is not a hero, but a criminal troublemaker.”
In another passage referring to Dmowski, Milewski brings closer the circumstances of contact with the National Democracy, which occurred in the late 1903/1904. At that time he received from Antoni Aleksandrowicz a copy of “The Thoughts of a Modern Pole”. As he emphasizes, then he did not know Dmowski. He read the book considering it an exceptional position, but leaving a distaste for ambiguity. 1 of his gross issues was the message that National Democracy has so far ruled out armed confrontation, but it does not completely exclude it. Here Milewski emphasizes the harmful nature of the armed actions taken by Piłsudski, who decided to support 2 of our invaders to “the harm of our western friends”. Here he besides mentioned that the nationalists were besides called "the omnipolska party", which from the position of the passage of time will have an ironic effect due to the fact that the nationalists "for tactical reasons" decided to deprive themselves of parts of the Polish territories in the Kresach.
The subject of the border policy in the context of Dmowski will appear respective times and all time Milewski will criticize Dmowski for his instrumental treatment of the east Borders, variability in the designation of erstwhile and which Dmowski lands he considers to be Polish. According to Milewski, this was ridiculous, as no respectable state has in this way pursued policies towards its historical lands.
Polemics and Discussions
It is besides worth noting that Milewski completely disagreed with Dmowski's opinions on the causes of the collapse of the Polish state. Mr. Roman's thesis about getting besides active in the east theatre, with simultaneous expansional negligence on the western border, as a origin of the collapse of the Polish state, Milewski negated. Of all the disputed areas between him and Dmowski, he was the strongest against him. He could not forgive Dmowski, too, that in his territorial plans he did not intend to delegate all Lithuania to Poland, but agreed to separate it as an independent national state.
When Russian agents asked him to mediate in unofficial talks with the NDP, which they did not recognise at the time, he met with Dmowski to submit to him proposals of the Russian side, which aimed at improving the situation of Poles within the Tsarist Russia. During the talks, they shared the view that the initiative of armed confrontation between the fighting Poles on the side of the possessive states was evil, both were critical of Piłsudski's activities at the time.
Milewski recalls that he took part in a gathering at which the leadership of the KNP separated the capitals in which the representatives of the KNP were to represent the Polish case, he was offered Rome, but he considered it to be a fort, whose goal was to marginalize the retreat distant from the place where the most crucial issues concerning the future of Poland were to be resolved, and specified a place was Paris, where he felt perfectly.
It is besides interesting to know that Dmowski's influences were so large with the French authorities that any articles published in the French press concerning Russia and the Polish case were consulted with Dmowski through the French Ministry of abroad Affairs and the Russian embassy, which transmitted the content of the articles Erazm Piltz And Dmowski. According to him, Dmowski was behind the partial censorship of his article in the monthly magazine "Le Correspondant".
In his account of the next gathering with Dmowski, he noted that he had put besides much hope in exploiting for the national peasant state. According to Milewski, “the visible ellipse of the peasant” ends at the border of his parish. He was besides amazed that Dmowski predicted the emergence of independent Czechs, and he believed that cultural proximity to the Czech Republic should be used, their industrial and trade capabilities would aid Poland to replace Jews. Milewski besides stated that unfortunately there were more Jews in Poland than there would be Czechs in the Czech country.
Bringing the deliberations closer to Duma, he mentioned that it was Dmowski's attitude, which inspired members of the Polish ellipse during the inaugural gathering of Duma in February 1907 to neglect to pay appropriate honors to Tsar Mikołaj II, made him their enemy's top friend.
On the occasion of the harsh position of the Polish ellipse against plans to separate Chełmszczyzna from legislature and to bring it into Russia, he recalled the conversation of the Prime Minister Peter Stolypin, who in conversation a British writer Emil Dillon stated that Dmowski was to conclude from the talker that a sincere agreement between the Russian and Polish people was hard due to the fact that Poles were Europeans and the Russians were actually Asians [1].
This typical of Vilnius in Duma besides criticized the engagement of the National Democracy with Dmowski at the head of the task of neo-Slavism combining Slavic nations in the context of force on the Slavic planet from Germany. He did not believe that the Russians in the block of Slavic states would quit their dominant position, while the Czechs' participation considered it an effort to exert force on Vienna to offer the Czechs an analogous position in the Austrian-Hungarian Empire as Hungarians had. Milewski recalls that in this respect he appeared in sharp contrast to Dmowski's position, indicating that the choice between death due to tuberculosis on the side of the advanced German culture or from the Russian baton, followed by the dark is no choice.
Another wider batch of memories related to the contacts of Milewski with the leader of National Democracy includes those concerning the activities of the KNP.
Frustration
He felt that Dmowski and Piltz were reluctant to him, and he besides felt that they have the issue of representing the Polish case in an global forum. He critically presented the circumstances of the formal establishment of the KNP with Dmowski at the head, considering that if the Allies set a crucial amount of money for the Committee's activities, it was not due to their kindness, but besides due to the fact that the Committee not only represented Poles before them, but that it represented the interests of the Allies before Poles. In addition, the Committee felt that alternatively of focusing on resisting press attacks directed at the Polish issue, the Committee focused on combating and marginalising emigration environments utilizing the funds received from the Allies. In addition, he considered that the Blue Army Dmowski, created in France, together with his colleagues from KNP, did not consider the Polish army and the army of KNP.
Milewski sceptically referred to the issue of the creation of Polish troops in France, whose creation was initiated by Dmowski, but as Milewski claimed, he did not admit it due to the fact that the Russian authorities were behind this idea. However, as he emphasizes in Verbunkowe offices in France, the nationality of applying Poles was ignored. Here there were no consequences for Milewski, first he criticized Dmowski for creating the Polish army on which the Russians were to benefit, and then claimed that Dmowski was deliberately slowing down the spread of Hallerczyks from France to Poland.
He expressed his concerns about the anticipation of cooperation between Dmowski and Piltz within the KNP due to his desire for common dominance and differences of ideas, but as he emphasized, he was amazed at how successful and compatible tandem they created working in the KNP. He felt that both of them were reluctant to him, and in addition, they have the issue of representing Poland in global forums.
Milewski did not hide his distance from the Polish parliamentary level in the reborn Poland. 1 of the reasons for the reluctance was the fact that the most prominent individuals were marginalized by Milewski, and as such, apart from Dmowski, he considered Ignacy Shebeko, a associate of the CNP, a diplomat and MP for the ZL-N. Writing about them, he stated that there is simply a illness of “eating” of prominent individuals in Poland. It was incomprehensible to him that Dmowski did not erstwhile talk in the Sejm during his first term, although “one more celebrated and valued worldwide than 450 of his colleagues...
As it is widely known, Dmowski's withdrawal from politics after Poland regained its independency argued that he would not harm the Polish case in the internavigation forum due to the fact that he exposed himself to the influential judaic lobby in the world. A proverbial pebble to the garden on this issue was besides added on the diary's pages by our line diary, bringing Konstanty Orłowski's conversation with Baron Maurycym de Rotschild. During this conversation, Baron Rotschild expressed his opposition on behalf of the full solidarity judaic diaspora, so that the Polish delegation to legislature would be presided over by a man “who gained universal publicity as a fierce anti-semite..., all Israel and Mr Rotschild himself, will consider specified a nomination as a slap on the face of the full nation and will act accordingly.” Orłowski recommended to inform “who must” that judaic influences on the resolutions of legislature are very great, if Poland is represented by this master, then Israel will replace her way towards all her purposes, and they are known to us. You will find us on the road to Gdańsk, on the road to the Prussian Silesia and to Cieszynsk, on the road to Lviv, on the road to Vilnius and on the road to all your financial projects.”
Thus, it can be seen that the judaic action aimed at Dmowski was not just an invention of himself or his surroundings, as any people believe to this day, but it had a very real dimension.
He recalls how in the summertime of 1920 he met Dmowski in a Poznań café, and erstwhile he pointed out to him that a man of his format would now be useful in the endangered Bolshevik attack of the capital, Dmowski unharmed lamented his health. However, Milewski stated that this was not true. According to him, he lost the confrontation of the State Defence Council with Piłsudski and so resigned and left for Poznań. According to him, Dmowski attacked Piłsudski besides early erstwhile the situation on the front was bad and not tragic and fell into the snare of the cunning Piłsudski.
Tear
In summary, by 1906, Dmowski was for Milewski "a brave and effective resurrecter of the national spirit" , he besides referred to him as "master", he was compared to the world's most outstanding composers, who unfortunately decided to spoil his outstanding work. To Dmowski he regretted that respective times despite his loyalty to the Polish case, he blocked his ability to take action on this issue among the French decision-making circles, although these were open to his opinions and encouraged him to cooperate. Mr Dmowski, for his contribution to regaining independency by Poland, regarded him as an authority for himself and for the Polish people, shared his sense of humor, but as a Kresovian powerfully associated with his “Little Homeland” he could not forgive Dmowski for his alleged disregard for the question of belonging to the east lands, the effect of which was then the Treaty of Drawing.
Arkadius Miksa
[1] According to the stenogram, Dmowski was to say, “The nation is Christian, but the government you have Asian”
Think Poland, No. 15-16 (9-16.04.201023)
