185 years ago, a classical work by Friedrich appeared in Germany. How the economical powers arise.” The nipponese translation took place in 1889.
In 2026 we received his Polish translation by Prześwita. Dorota Glinki. The book is regarded as 1 of the intellectual sources of power which Germany built in the second half of the 19th century. The nipponese utilized the thoughts contained in it during Meiji's improvement period, then Asian tigers in the second half of the 20th century, and through Japan China. However, it is not only the deficiency of a Polish translation of the F work. The list in 1989 made us not second Japan. Its observations and conclusions are in many points consistent with common sense and even common cognition of history, politics and psychology.
A very akin look was besides presented by 1 of the most crucial economists of the National Democracy interwar period – murdered by the Germans Roman Rybary. Moreover, already 11 years earlier, thanks to the Vectors publishing house, we received a Polish translation of the work of E. Michael Jones "Jalowy money", in which the author devoted his work to F. A list of any crucial chapters. Unfortunately, this was not accompanied by publicity, even as is the case with List. Meanwhile, creativity E. The President is not only modern and more current, but besides deeper by showing the civilizational and spiritual sources of financial and economical crises we have been experiencing for respective centuries. He's got money on his mind. What the Letter signals is Jones, as he did in Rybarski in Poland, brings to the ground circumstantial religions and the resulting types of morality. Another work, which besides accurately captures this issue, is besides published by tireless Vectors work Werner Sombart"Jews and the Beginnings of Capitalism". In Jones' book, we can besides look at a wider image of the modern economical letter of Germanic thought, with peculiar emphasis on its Catholic wing.
The subject of free marketplace theories is besides critical of the latest publication Adam Wielomski and Kamil Klimczak "Why I'm not Liberal". So there was and there is something to read, but the fact that specified crucial publications pass most of the time without echo confirms the fact that as a nation we read little, and if so, as an engineer of Mamoń, we choose from reading only what fits with the preconceived popular wisdom which “all average men” profess. That's the thing about public science. Jerzy Giedroycie and Juliusz MieroszewskiIt's the politics. Józef Piłsudski and by Roman Dmowski, The same with the theories attributed to R. Rybary and as shown by the book F. The list of analogous situations occurs in the case of the Polish reception of works Adam Smith, whose utopianity and incompatibility with practice the German economist showed more than 100 years before the appearance of its free marketplace apologets from over the Vistula River.
Libertarian Chassis
During the late PRL period both prepared to cooperate with the fresh hegemon organization scholarships as well as brillating in church halls the public adherents of free marketplace ideology alternatively of the List enjoyed the reforms Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reaganand in the extravagant version with feats Augusto Pinocheta. In their view, the theories justifying these disasters were provided by Adam Smith and his successors. Was it simply ignorance, or was it an externally controlled operation of intellectual obscurity, or was it both? possibly someday we'll find out. However, to realize their popularity, another origin was crucial. Both groups and their supporters grew up in the reality of the regulation of what was called the strategy by the large S, regardless of the adjective they put after it. Both the strategy in our part of Europe. as well as its western counterparts had akin values, both represented an highly simplified, one-dimensional imagination of man and as simplistic, history-absorbed strategy of solutions, hence seemingly extremist change was only a change of poles of the same universe built on the same spiritual—the intellectual shoal hidden or as in the case of Marxism under intricate formulas, or simplified to the level of columnons with free-marketer schemes.
We jumped from a mediocre strategy in a mediocre scheme, and in practice from the tragedy of late PRL in a horror movie founded by the party's free marketplace convert. There was no cognition that Marks or Hayek was not the only choice, that in addition to intermediate roads there are alternatives in which both are on the same side. We lacked the courage to look at reality here and now with our own eyes and what is crucial by the prism of our own conscience. From this perspective, I wrote the essay “The fresh strategy of the Same Values. Why modern man destroys the natural environment.” Radosław Sikorski ‘read it with 1 breath’, and Simon Kobylinski and respective professors wrote enthusiastic reviews, then tried to spread akin ideas in the pages of the long-lost Citizen Magazine, but this was happening in the far periphery of the mainstream, which led in a fresh only right direction.
What does the letter tell us?
Friedrich List, unlike Polish free marketers, was able to change its views under the influence of reflection of reality and historical analyses. Protestant and advocate of Enlightenment began as a follower of Smith's explanation and so extremist that for political reasons he had to leave Württemberg and go to emigrate to the US. There, he became acquainted with the beneficial effects of American protectionist politics, which was the other of the ideology of the free marketplace promoted by Britain at the time. After years in the country, as a German nationalist, he returned to the country to share his knowledge. At the outset of his opus magnum he analysed historical economical victories and defeats of the most crucial Western and German Hansa nations.
Frierdich Letter
It clearly shows that all of them, including Britain, were most successful erstwhile they applied the other principles to the popular Scottish theories. The letter focused in its analysis on customs policy and pointed out that the cases analysed show that thoughtful protectionism and customs tariffs, as opposed to open marketplace policies, were bearing good fruit. He besides saw that while external duties on industrial goods from the United Kingdom were a blessing for the German industry, interior customs barriers in then fragmented Germany were a brake on the improvement of German power and the request for interior competition. In pushing Smith's ideology, he saw the deliberate actions of Britain. He wrote: “It is widely known what the English Ministry (unordinary never skimp erstwhile it has to support its own commercial interests) has in its secret service money (secret service) to gain public opinion anywhere abroad. Tons of correspondence and leaflets from Hamburg (...) appeared aggravating the irrational demands of German factories demanding Community customs protection and against their advisor (F. List – O.S.), who in hard and haughty words were accused of not even knowing the basic, recognized by all scientists axioms of political economics, or simply does not have adequate reason to realize them.” When, without a tiny 2 centuries later, the native promoters of the free marketplace are listened to, but besides influencers of another aspects of Polish politics for British money, this... sounds familiar.
His conclusions in the 19th century context of the letter focused mainly on customs and industrial policy. Although any of his views, according to what he himself preached, afraid only circumstantial moments of history, his conclusions of a more general nature are inactive valid. First of all, he pointed out that Smith's mistake or conscious false explanation was that in his reasoning he omitted the circumstantial stages of improvement at which a given state and the national economy are located. The free marketplace serves, on the 1 hand, the strongest industrial powers, which, thanks to it, flood their goods with possible competition and do not let manufacture to make in its territory, or on the another hand the countries most backward, accepting or forced to accept their function as suppliers of natural materials.
Often this is due to foolish, selfish, or corrupt elites. However, it does not service countries and peoples with ambitions to equal the industrial front, which do not let themselves to be trapped in the mediate development. He besides points out that Smith himself admits that any of the best political English laws were the Navigation Acts introducing duties protecting the English manufacture in the 17th century, and as it stood for a free marketer he crowned his career at a advanced position in the Scottish customs office. In addition to a historicity, Smith made other, even more fundamental mistakes. He put his explanation in an imaginary world, in which there are no rival states and nations, there are no rooted in history, climate and geographical conditions of communities, economical wars, there are no conflicting geopolitical interests. The planet to which Smith's strategy would fit would should be a completely globalized world, without wars and rivalry. Interestingly, the Letter itself judged this imagination positively as a postulate of the far future, but considered it a real non-existent artificial construct. E.M. Jones explains this intellectual strategy of Smith's presence in the atmosphere of the 18th century Enlightenment, in which the planet was imagined as a self-regulatory mechanism, resembling more Newtonian mechanics than a surviving society.
Adam Smith's Critic
In this mechanistic vision, Smith besides wrote morality, and as a result, any scum committed on the free marketplace by the power of an invisible hand and thus contributed to the common good as in the nonsubjective laws of physics. likewise utopian is the imagination of a man who, in Smith's concept, appears to be a one-dimensional being, as if on the order of today's globalists completely toned and materialized, perceiving everything from the point of view of a merchant who wants to buy and sale cheaply. Meanwhile, the letter looks at the economy from the position of real nations and states. He himself calls it the production force theory, and according to her, the English ministers who, erstwhile introducing the British power of work at the dawn, "did not want to buy inexpensive and perishable products, but a valuable and lasting power of industry." This can be compared to the known, for example, from the children's Marshmallow test studied in psychology, the ability to act with a deferred gratuity, which is the key to life's success. After building force in the 18th century, they began spreading the ideology of the free marketplace around the world. As F. Letter states: “Adam Smith, claiming that navigational acts were not commercially beneficial to England, admits that it has increased its power, and power is more crucial than wealth.” The economical power of a given nation in terms of the List does not come from faithfulness to abstract schemes, nor does it limit to economical policy the sense of stricto.
In another place, he describes England's sources of power: “It is actual that the immeasurable productive power, the large wealth of England, is not simply a consequence of the physical strength of the nation and the lust for the profit of individuals; there is simply a primary sense of freedom and justice, energy, religiousness and morality of the nation, including the constitution of the country, institutions, wisdom and aristocracy; there is simply a geographical position, the destiny of the country, and even happy cases.” Against this background, peculiarly shallow is the belief of Polish free marketers that only entrepreneurs make national strength and keep the remainder of society, resulting in ostentatious disregard of groups specified as officials, teachers or the general public of employed workers.
In this context, it is worth mentioning a passage in which behind Monteskiusz List refers to the causes of the collapse of Poland; “Only thanks to the improvement of interior manufacturing power, thanks to free cities abounding in population and industry, Poland could accomplish a strong interior organization, national industry, freedom and wealth... alternatively of abroad products, it should bring abroad producers and abroad production capital (...). But her nobles liked to send modest fruits of slave labour to abroad markets and parade in beautiful abroad fabrics.” Therefore, 1 of the reviewers of Book F. List correctly compared List to Ksawery Drucki-Lubeckiwho besides understood the mechanics of creating the strength of the state and nation. And he was not the creator of the Bank of Poland, as Grzegorz Braun wanted a socialist, but he introduced governance in public finances and laid the foundations for industrialization and strength of the country.
The letter besides says – let us learn from economical rivals. In today's practice, 1 of the well-known Polish entrepreneurs corresponds to this Richard Flork, in which he explained the reasons for Swiss wealth, giving an example of a local partner who alternatively of Florek preferred to buy goods by 30% more expensive, but alternatively than his countryman. I know a case erstwhile Polish farmers were incapable to keep loyalty to the neighbour's slaughterhouse, erstwhile a large company offered a price only minimally higher. The Poles asked by me on the social network about the sources of the strength of Switzerland were collectively responding: the barrier and mostly the scum. Envy and aversion to view fact and humility on our own weaknesses is besides the origin of our weakness. Another, much more crucial rival from the Polish point of view are Germany and so it is worth learning from them too.
Let's not repeat JKM error
Password known Gregory Braun, according to which “ZUS to extinguish” due to the fact that it is simply a German and socialist invention, in addition, introduced by hostile Poles Bismarck and as specified it cannot bring anything good in Poland. Meanwhile, social safety introduced in Germany by the Iron Chancellor as he extensively describes E.M. Jones was 1 of a series of decisions that stood at the base of the German power, building social cohesion based on the sense of justice and Christian work for weaker compatriots. After leaving the fight against Bismarck Catholicism, as is frequently the case in politics, he took advantage of the program proposals of his opponents and himself introduced what was rightly called "practical Christianity." This was imposed in 19th-century Germany on a much wider and deeper civilizational movement—moral termed Bildung, which Peter Watson He described in his loud book "German Genius" (German genius), the basis of which was the pursuit of comprehensive self-improvement and creativity; from complex doctrine to universal education, mass and ambitious reading, and the cultivation of specified applicable virtues as honesty, the habit of good work, kindness and squad solidarity, which shortly matched the quality of made in Britain, and Germany as a state and nation began to match Britain with strength. To any extent, this was a percent up to the times of the West Germany after planet War II, proving that it was far more crucial than wealth and lasting good to have virtues and habits to make them. It is worth remembering this by observing what happened in the fields of education, reading, language, widely understood customs, aesthetics, labour and human relations in the 3rd Polish Republic after 1989.
Let's scope out to the Fisherman
Reading the List encourages you to scope out to Roman Rybarski's work to see that if we wanted to be a "second Japan" it was not essential to wait for German's guidance until 2026. The most crucial similarity between the 2 is that the Fisherman like the Letter was not dogmatic. In his "Basics of the National economical Programme" (NPG), he wrote: "There is no abstract economical and national ideology that would apply forever and everywhere." He noted the fundamental difference between the national economy and liberalism and socialism: “Economic nationalism cannot be referred to as economical liberalism or socialism. These last 2 directions are in rule common. They include the full planet farm, they wrap their ideas around the world, they find any common medicine for economical distress.” He besides pointed to the fundamental similarity of both narrowly and highly materialistic doctrines. "Plutocracy governments, which open the way to the influences of global capital, which are frequently the cover of judaic governments, do not agree with the national direction. But it is besides not acceptable to life materialism in a cold utmost form: a class conflict that brings to the fore the chapter of wealth, which strives to bring it down without much care for another life values. And he who has before his eyes, as the main intent of life, as the top accumulation of wealth, and who considers it the top goal to take distant this wealth from individual else who has more of it, belongs to 1 kind of people. They stay together in slavery to money, they practice belly policy."
In another place, as in the Letter, he criticised the deficiency of customs in the erstwhile Poland by referring to the individual Stanisław Staszic and his views on building his own industry. He saw the fundamental importance of religion and the request to adapt its economy; “If Poland is simply a Catholic nation, it cannot build a strategy contrary to this element.” Although an interview with Janusz Korwin-Mikke was given in the introduction to the NPG, its content shows that his mention to a state-of-the-art quote on the harmfulness of the state monopoly is only 1 side of the anti-etatistic views of Rybarski, who wrote: “The nation achieves its economical goals through the activities of individuals and their unions on the 1 hand, and on the another hand, by the economical policy pursued by the state. The appropriate balance of these elements is of large importance.” Elsewhere, he added: “The goal of economical policy is not, as we know, just the top accumulation of wealth, the top amount of wealth. It means a large deal and a division of this wealth, a healthy social structure of the nation."
About the “holy” private property recognised by Polish believers: “The usage of property cannot be unlimited. (...) The free play of economical forces is not always the consequence of an economical and social relation which is most beneficial to the nation and the state.” A “The forests in the hands of the state defend the country from deforestation.” Even the Together organization could mention to Rybary due to the fact that 1 of its sub-chapters entitled “Earth is not a commodity”. Meanwhile, in an interview JKM Rybarski appears to be a leading almost patron of modern free marketers. Which confirms one more time that as a society we have a tendency to think zero-one, and laziness and intellectual sloping makes us feel aversion to a more subtle analysis and mature art of nuance. Even the wisest clues can be misused by another example.
In preparing this article, I took a look at the recording of the debate promoting the book List, which was conducted by the initiator of its release and the author of the introduction by Dr. Krzysztof Mazur. In summarizing the full statement, he stated that if we had an industrial policy that the Letter advocated, we would be independent of America, and then, “a ship of shadows flowing across the Baltic. The thunder lands, we invitation him to the port in Gdynia with the guns and let the full planet know that it was a sovereign decision in W-wa made. Or that we set up our patriots in Estonia and they are targeted in Saint Petersburg.” And this quote is besides a form of answer to a question in the title.
Olaf Swolkień
Think Poland, No. 15-16 (12-19.04.2016)
