Today, June 28, exactly, marks another anniversary of the Treaty of Versailles – the main peace agreement ending planet War I. In the mirror area of the Versailles Palace, representatives of the defeated Germany and the victorious Entente gathered to officially end the conflict that destroyed Europe for 4 years.
It was under this paper that fresh state borders were set up, the League of Nations was established, and the global Labour Organisation was established. Although the treaty did not enter into force until 10 January 1920, its signing on 28 June 1919 became a symbol of triumph over the erstwhile order and the beginning of the construction of the global order in the 20th century.
Work on the text of the treaty took place at the Paris Peace Conference, which began on 18 January 1919 and lasted until 21 January 1920. The gathering was attended by twenty-seven winning countries, while Germany, Austro-Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria were not allowed to negotiate, but were only called upon to sign the already completed documents. russian Russia, in the light of the Ententa considered to be a separatist organization after the signing of the Treaty of Brest, was besides not allowed to sit. This arrangement of forces in Paris has mostly determined the form of later Versailles .
Poland, reborn only 7 months earlier, was represented by 2 competent delegates: Ignacy Jan Paderewski and Roman Dmowski. Their nominations were the consequence of a compromise between the Polish National Committee, led by Dmowski, and the Provisional Chief of State Józef Piłsudski. Paderewski, as Prime Minister and Minister of abroad Affairs, had behind him the prestige of the artist and politician, who for a long time reminded of the existence of Poland worldwide. The leader of National Democracy in turn gained the title of the main architect of the Polish territorial programme. In addition to diplomatic speeches and negotiations at the highest level, a group of six alternate representatives and 10 experts played a key role, whose work provided a substantive basis for the Polish delegation. Maurice Zamoyski, an excellent expert in global law and erstwhile ambassador to Paris, was primarily liable for drafting draft legal notes justifying Polish claims to Pomerania Gdańsk and advanced Silesia. Władysław Grabski, future Prime Minister and Economist – for preparing a financial analysis of the consequences of joining fresh lands, especially in the area of the taxation strategy and war reparations. Eustachy Sapieha, with diplomatic experience towards Lithuania, coordinated the deliberations in the east border committee, providing ethnographic maps and studies on the structure of the population. Stanisław Patek, a prominent lawyer, supported the editorial board of the “Treaty on the Protection of Minorities” (the alleged tiny Treaty of Versailles), negotiating provisions guaranteeing equality of all citizens of the Republic. Kazimierz Dłuski, a doctor and social activist, prepared expertise on the wellness and education strategy in connected areas, and Prof. Erazm Piltz, Dean of the Jagiellonian University, prepared detailed historical and geographical analyses to convince allies that these lands were traditionally connected with Poland. Each expert provided papers in French and English, translated key passages, and reacted to German counterarguments, frequently fighting for all line of Treaty text.
After ratification of the treaty, the experts did not remainder on their laurels. Their work continued, this time as part of preparations for plebiscites in Warmia, Mazury and Silesia and in the organization of administration of fresh voivodships. Joachim Bartoszewicz and Władysław Sobański developed detailed censuses which served as a basis for the establishment of voting instructions; Gustav Szura and Włodzimierz Interruption-Tetmajer prepared information materials for displaced persons and local governments; Stanisław Thugutt and Józef Wielowieyski coordinated their cooperation with the League of Nations, providing her with reports on the state of work of the plebiscite committees. Thanks to their careful, frequently tedious documentation work, Poland was able to implement global surveillance mechanisms, avoiding disputes leading to delays. It was thanks to a solid database prepared by these experts, in the next 2 years it was possible to carry out all the plebiscites provided for by the treaty, and the administration of connected lands began to operate in accordance with the provisions of the Republic.
Since Ignacy Paderewski was late for the beginning of the conference, Roman Dmowski took the lead in representing Poland. It was him who faced the Council of 10 – the most crucial decision-making body of the Paris Conference – on 29 January 1919 to present the demands of the reborn Polish state. He gave a multi-hour speech, constructed with extraordinary precision, transforming historical, economical and geopolitical arguments into irrefutable rations for designation of Poles' right to sovereignty. Dmowski made a study simultaneously in French and English, gaining designation even in the erstwhile skeptics.
The celebrated British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, previously reluctant to propose Dmowski, later admitted that the speech by the Pole was "long and highly skillful". Dmowski, walking without notes and maps, asked for assistance during the break, but from the first word he showed his diplomatic craftsmanship. Thanks to his speech, the Polish question gained a permanent place on the agenda of the conference, and maps of the proposed borders became the starting point for further negotiations.
The most crucial component of the Polish strategy was the presentation of a territorial programme covering the lands of all 3 occupations. Dmowski made 2 notes on behalf of the delegation to the president of the Commission on Polish Affairs, Jules Cambon – the first 28 February, the second 3 March 1919. These conclusions included the association of the full Wielkopolska, Gdańsk Pomerania with Toruń, Bydgoszcz and Gdańsk, Warmia and Mazury, advanced Silesia with Opole, as well as fragments of Lower Silesia. In the east, the inclusion of most of the lands of the erstwhile Kingdom of Poland and the state of Vilnius, Grodno, Minsk, partially Podolska and Volynska was requested. In addition, the delegation proposed to cover Galicia, Cieszynsk Silesia and northern parts of Ciesza and Orava.
On 12 March 1919, the Polish Commission presented a preliminary report, which took into account almost all the Polish demands concerning the western border, subject to a plebiscite in the area of Mazur. Adversary of joining Gdańsk to Poland David Lloyd George successfully blocked this last proposal, arguing the request to keep a balance of strength on the continent by weakening Germany is only average .
The climax was on June 28, 1919, erstwhile German, United States, United Kingdom, France, Italy and another Ententa members signed the treaty in the Mirror Hall of the Versailles Palace. Roman Dmowski and Ignacy Paderewski initialled the paper on behalf of Poland. Under the treaty, Germany has undertaken to quit the colony, quit Lorraine and Alsace, transfer the Saara Basin to the board of the League of Nations and establish demilitarized zones. The German army was to be confined to a 100 1000 soldiers, and the country was charged with massive war reparations.
For Poland, the treaty meant the final return to the map of Europe after 123 years of captivity. It was granted the lands of Poznań (excluding Wschowa, Babimostu, Internícz and Skwierzyna) and most of the Royal Prussia – 45,463 km2 and over 3 million inhabitants. The Free City of Gdańsk was created, under the supervision of the League of Nations, and the position of Warmia, Mazury and advanced Silesia was to be decided in plebiscites. National minorities gained protection resulting from the alleged tiny Treaty of Versailles, binding on Poland to equal treatment of citizens of different religions and nationalities.
On July 31, 1919, the Legislative Sejm of the Republic of Poland, following a stormy debate, ratified the treaty with a part on the protection of minorities. Members paid tribute to all Poles active in the independency issue, and the signatures of Dmowski and Paderewski were considered a symbol of regaining sovereignty. The resolution of Parliament stressed that Ententa considered the partitions of Poland a crime which had to be crossed off.
After the conference, Roman Dmowski's wellness deteriorated rapidly. In November 1919, he suffered severe pneumonia and, as recommended by doctors, left for recovery in Algeria. It was not until the end of April 1920 that he returned to Paris, where he went straight to Warsaw to proceed his work to build a reborn state. He later mentioned that at the time of signing the Versailles Mirror Hall, “thought ran along large historical paths” and the awareness of the historical importance of the minute overwhelmed all gathered. The work that was started then influenced the form of Central and east Europe for decades and is considered by many historians as the foundation of the reborn Republic.
Today, on the day of the anniversary, it is worth reminding that the success of the Polish delegation in Versailles was possible thanks to the combination of Paderewski's authority with the determination and diplomatic skill of Dmowski. Their efforts and the contribution of the full Polish representation made Poland an equal associate in the fresh global order. The memory of those events shapes our identity and teaches us how crucial the consistency in the conflict for sovereignty is.
