The “Balony for Poland” action was organised by the Free Balloons Committee for Poland established in Paris in January 1982.(Comité des Balons Libres vers la Pologne). The association with akin actions carried out in the 1950s by the Free Europe Committee is most appropriate. At that time, the brochure “Zza kuśliska” was sent to Poland, based on the revelations of the colonel. Józefa Światła, a fugitive from the Ministry of Public Security, as well as a photographic evidence of June’56 in Poznań.
The Committee was composed mainly of people with leftist views. Martin Andler, a mathematician, mentioned that forms of moral support for Polish society have been discussed since the beginning of the martial law. Self-decided was the best way to communicate real information, which was a deficit commodity over the Vistula River. The logistical difficulties – transportation of them to Poland – became an obstacle. 1 associate of the group recalled that in the “Gulag Archipelago”, Alexander Solzenicin had a motive for the balloon, transporting food and information to Gulag, Siberia. Andler recalled: “That was it! That was our idea! We thought of a fewer variants, any of which were absolutely unrealistic:
1. Renting a ship and sailing to Poland
2. Renting a ship and sailing to the beaches (coast) of Poland
3. Sending balloons from Sweden
4. Sending balloons from Bornholm.
We went to Denmark twice and there we decided it would be beaches on Bornholm”.
The individual groups active in helping the French sought contacts with Poles in France through their trade unions, and especially the Christian-socialist French Democratic Labour Confederation (Confédération Française Démocratique de Travail). This trade union mainly supported the activities of the Paris Solidarity Coordination Committee established after 13 December 1981. His management included: Zbigniew Kowalewski, Sławomir Czarlewski, Seweryn Blumsztajn, Jacek Kaczmarski, Andrzej Seweryn, Andrzej Wołowski. In addition to this Polish organization, there was besides the Association Solidarité France-Pologne, operating in Paris since September 1980. His boss was geneticist Piotr Słonimski. It was in January 1982 that his friends scientists, biologist Francis Andre Wollman and mathematician Martin Andler came to see him and asked about the anticipation of spectacular demonstration of support for the Polish society. Wollman: “I knew Peter [Słonimski] personally. We were both scientists working on akin issues, and Peter was a friend of my father, besides of genetics. Pierre Netter, who worked with Peter and Martin Andler, went to him. We had a balloon thought in the back of our head, but we didn't know what to do with them and what to transport. 1 thing we were certain had to be solidarity-related". According to Piotr Jegliński's report, he besides received a French typical of the Doctors Without Borders (Médecins Sans Frontières), who asked for aid in creating an additional form of aid for Poles. The head of the Paris gathering editions mentioned that he had put forward the thought of a balloon action that he would like. Today, these 2 stories function in parallel.
The organizers called themselves “people fighting for the free movement of information between nations”. Denis Clodic, liable for organising the project, asked the French Democratic Labour Confederation to aid prepare it. On 20 January 1982, during a gathering between representatives of the French Democratic Labour Confederation (Jacques Chèrèque, Alain Faivre, Ramond Juin) and members of the Bureau of the Coordination Committee on Solidarity (Zbigniew Kowalewski, Andrzej Wołowski, Seweryn Blumsztajn and Jacek Kaczmarski; at the gathering there was no Sławomir Czarlewski) discussion about the engagement of both organisations in this action and its objectives. According to Clodic, they were moral support of Poles by showing them solidarity of the West and breaking the information blockade by sending a mini-report to Poland with the latest information about the situation in the country. At the next meetings in the Committee itself, there were voices that he should not be active in specified projects. This was motivated by their eminently political character, which could have caused repercussions in relations at state level. any members of the Committee indicated that the funds collected were better spent on food packages for starving Poles! There were besides arguments of danger to air traffic that could have caused balloons. Despite the support of another associate of the Sławomir Czarlewski Committee, Yegliński failed to convince the opponents. The organ did not officially support or financially support the action, kept its distance to it. Seweryn Blumsztajn present admits that his concerns about this substance were wrong.
Piotr Jegliński decided to choice texts and print leaflets. In his opinion, the French's top opposition was caused by 2 texts from John Paul II's homily. However, he threatened to retreat if they were rejected. Only then did the French succumb. After a period of preparation, it was over.
pagebreakThe French asked the Danish Ministry of abroad Affairs for approval to fly balloons. Officials considered that the case was of a technical-aircraft nature and referred it to the Air Traffic Management Board (Luftverksdirektoriate). In accordance with Chapter 3.1.8 (now 3.1.10) of Annex 2 to the Convention on global civilian Aviation, called the Chicago Convention, free, unmanned balloons should decision in specified a way as not to endanger property, persons or another aircraft. Appendix 5 to that Annex imposed an work on the country from which the balloon was to be released to get approval to fly from the country over which the balloon may have deviated. The Polish authorities refused to grant specified consent, of course. Danish authorities and the island of Bornholm explained in 1 paper that Jesper Zeuthen, manager of the Air Traffic Board, said: “There are only a fewer cruise flights to and from Bornholm, so we could give specified approval without compromising air traffic. But according to respective reasonably fresh regulations in the global Air Traffic Convention, balloons can only be sent if approval has been issued from this territory, where they are to go. In accordance with these provisions – besides signed by Poland – we addressed the question to the Polish air traffic authorities, whether they licence it. The answer was negative, hence the refusal received by the French."
As Andrzej Świak (member of the Danish Solidarity Support Committee), who served as an interpreter in the final talks between the French and the Danes, recalled, Danish officials blocked themselves by absurd rules about the wingspan of flying objects, which, if they were more than half a meter, always required individual approval to take off. In view of this position, the irritated Danes, the Holy 1 proposed that the Ministry arrest all seagulls on the beaches, as the span of their wings exceeded acceptable standards and flights took place without the approval of the applicable officials. The prophecies of Jegliński and Blumsztajn were fulfilled, who suggested from the beginning that it would be impossible to get permits and the action should be carried out without them.
The action was ready in early February 1982. The deficiency of consent for its legal conduct did not depress the French. The reconnaissance group went twice to Bornholm to choose a place from which it would be best to deploy the balloons. It was decided on the seaside beaches in Dueodde, about the heights of Darlov and Kołobrzeg. The distance from Poland in this place was only about 100–120 km. Thanks to the contacts of French scientists with the airport authorities in Rønne, the weather situation in the region was supervised. The main point was that most balloons would not sink in the sea without achieving the goal.
The full task started on Friday 5 March 1982 at 10 a.m. More than 30 people participated in the action. Balloons were filled with helium with bottles delivered to the beach. They were to fly below 600 m so that they would not become a threat to air traffic. The full could not weigh more than 40–50 grams so that the balloon was not besides dense and did not start falling besides early. Nor could he exceed the weight specified in the Chicago Convention utilized for light balloons (up to 4 kg). By 3 o'clock in the night, 90 percent of 10,000 colorful balloons were released with included leaflets. The next day there were more. A plastic bag with a set of 5 12-page flyers was attached to each balloon with the inscription "Solidarity" with information about the organizer of the action, the choice of statements of John Paul II from December 1981 and January 1982 and the analysis of Kraków's lawyers (including prof. Jan Wedronia, a colleague of St. In addition, there were news about Solidarity and its activities outside Poland, as well as instructions on the construction of a replicator and behaviour during contacts with the militia and the military. Everything was printed in blue, which, according to Jegliński, had the chance to last the longest in clear form in case of wetness. It was estimated that a good consequence would be to scope the mark by 30% of balloons.
As expected on March 5, the wind direction changed, allowing balloons to decision at about 13 km/h. This would scope the Polish coast and even scope 400 km inland. According to the organizers, they could fly to about the tallness of Zielona Góra and Bydgoszcz and the border with the russian Union in the north-east (around Fromborka).
The first balloons reached the border with Poland already on the night from 5 to 6 March. Information about them was found in the reports of the Baltic Border defender Brigade. Soldiers from coast patrol groups reported that around 6.30 p.m. on the beaches of Darlova, Jarosław, Mielna and Kołobrzeg various colored balloons filled with anti-state content leaflets were found. Balloons besides reached the hands of fishermen (some gave them to soldiers) and people who went for a walk on the surrounding beaches early in the morning, utilizing the first rays of spring sun and higher air temperature. The flyers were besides found in the country. Andrzej Bogucki recalled: “I inactive have this leaflet. There was a balloon and 2 flyers. They reached Bożar close Bydgoszcz, where our man found it in the reed of the lake, the balloon destroyed it at once, gave me [one] leaflet to the underground, and I to Jarosław Wenderlich [an opposition activist in Bydgoszcz – SL], with whom I was in the underground, and this 1 to underground publications. any of the Bydgoszcz publications were just printed utilizing instructions from leaflets. After a while, she came back to me. We utilized it in the underground.” Roman Nisiewicz, an underground activist from Piła, expressed a akin opinion. The noises of the action besides reached the retreat centers. Edwin Klessa, interned in Gębarzew, wrote on 20 March 1982 about the sound around leaflets sent to Poland with Bornholm balloons. The interned individual most likely learned about this fact from the authoritative press.
The action failed to hide from the public. It was decided to usage the media to exposure and accuse the planning of an anti-system attack. The press, radio and television, assisted by military and civilian experts, eagerly played their propaganda role. In all the texts, attention was paid to the authoritative refusal of the Danish authorities, but the presence of Mr Bornholm Jens Brandt on the beach, who took photographs of the balloons in his hand while walking with the dog. It wouldn't be unusual if it wasn't for the fact that the mer didn't have a dog, and the 1 with which he went for a expected walk was borrowed from his neighbor. In this way, he demonstrated his support for the French initiative. The Danish police came to the scene, who did not take any further steps after the participants were registered and took on the function of observers. Police lawyer Rønne explained, Bjarne Bak: “It is not us, but the Air Traffic Board that believes the action is illegal. We do not think so, therefore, according to the police there is no legal basis for intervention." This upset Polish journalists, who considered the actions of the Danes a farce. The newspapers besides informed about the protest note of the Polish Ministry of abroad Affairs to the Governments of Denmark and France and the protest of the employees of Polish Airlines Lot, who were outraged by the initiative, according to them threatening aviation safety. 2 brief mentions of the protests of the Polish Ministry of abroad Affairs were limited to 2 short mentions in Koskolinski's “Voice of Pomerania”.
The balloons were written by the Polish press. For example, the “Soldier of Freedom” first gave a brief information about the event coming from the Polish Press Agency, and on 11 March an article “Balony do Polski” by Bogusław Marciński was published. According to him, it was an example of violent and uncommon propaganda aggression. He pointed out that the flyers did not call for terrorist action, but, nevertheless, they wanted to lead to chaos and demolition of the state, which thanks to the exertion of power returned to the "normal" tracks. The state's demolition was to be carried out by the dangerous viruses contained in the balloons, as mentioned by the Danish “Bornholm Tidende” of March 6, 1982, citing an anonymous call to the paper editor. Marciński repeated these revelations.
As opposition activists present mention, this action has shown that individual remembers them. Władysław Frasyniuk said, “She was kicking, adrenaline, confirming that we were right.”
